JAK GŁOSOWAŁ OSMAŃCZYK w 1976 ROKU?

[Gość: olek]

Jak głosował AUTORYTET w 1976 roku - za podporządkowaniem PRL ZSRR i
przewodnia roli partii?

[Gość: truck]

Przypominam, że w 1976 r. sejm PRL, w którym posłował p. Osmańczyk znowelizował
ówczesną konstytucję wprowadzając zapis o przewodniej roli Polskiej Zjednoczonej
Partii Robotniczej (czyli komunistów) w życiu naszego narodu. Podobną rolę
przypisywała sobie hitlerowska partia NSDAP (Narodowo-Socjalistyczna Niemiecka
Partia Pracy) w tysiącletniej przyszłości III Rzeszy

[Gość: fan]

Sejm PRL zmienił wówczas również konstytucję wpisując "wieczny" sojusz oraz
przyjaźń intersocjalistyczną z ZSRR. Zgadnijcie kto był przeciw>

[Gość: crack]

mowilem ci olek zebys stad spadal :)):) debil to debil

[Gość: Opol]

Powiedz to Kowalskiemu wprost, bo może zapomniał jakiego używa dzisiaj nicka,
hehe

[Gość: EJ OSMAN]

Za sojuszem co nie wiecie o tym? Przyjaciel Rosji! EJOSMAN

[Gość: Kon]

FOR A POLISH-RUSSIAN DIALOGUE: AN OPEN LETTER
By Adam Michnik, Andrzej Boguslawski, Andrzej Drawicz, Andrzej Krasinski,
Andrzej Mandalian, Andrzej Stelmachowski, Andrzej Szczeklik, Andrzej
Szczepkowski, Andrzej Wajda, Artur Miedzyrzecki, Bohdan Galster, Bronislaw
Geremek, Daniel Olbrychski, Edmund Jan Osmanczyk, Henryk Samsomowicz, Irena
Galster, Jacek Bochenski, Jacek Federowicz, Jacek Kuron, Jacek Vozniakowski,
Jan Andrzej Kloczowski, Jan Jozef Szczepanski, Jan Kofman, Jan Zielanowski,
Janina Szczepkowska, Jaroslaw Marek Rymkiewicz, Jerzy Holzer, Jerzy Szacki,
Jerzy Turowicz, Jozef Tischner, Julia Hartwig, Julian Stryjkowski, Kazimierz
Dziewanowski, Klemens Szanlawski, Krystyna Kersten, Krystyna Zachwatowicz,
Krzysztof Kozlowski, Lech Walesa, Marcin Krol, Marek Edelman, Marian Brandys,
Ryszard Krynicki, Stanislaw Lorentz, Stanislaw Opiela, Stefan Kieniewicz,
Tadeusz Konwicki, Tadeusz Lepkowski, Tadeusz Lomnicki, Tadeusz Mazowiecki,
Waclaw Gajewski, Wieslaw Lauer, Wiktor Woroszylski, Witold Karczewski,
Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Wladyslaw Kunicki-Goldfinger, Wlodzimierz Kolos, Zbigniew
Bujak, Zbigniew Wojcik, Zofia Kuratowska, Translated by Klara Glowczewski
On the morning of February 29, the group that undertook to deliver the enclosed
open letter went to the Warsaw offices of the TASS and "Novosti" press agencies—
requesting that the letter be transmitted to the people of the USSR. The
representative of the "Novosti" agency refused to accept the text, using as
argument the brief of his agency, which, in his words, functions exclusively in
the direction Moscow–Warsaw, and not the other way around. The representative
of TASS accepted the text, but subsequently, on the evening of March 1,
announced by telephone to one of the group delivering the letter that as
representative of a government agency he cannot transmit it because he does not
agree with its content.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

To: Sergei Averinpsev, Abel Aganbegian, Anatolii Ananiev, Sergei Antonov, Iurii
Afanas'ev, Grigorii Baklanov, Alexei Batalov, Andrei Bitov, Alexander Bovin,
Helena Bonner, Pavel Bunich, Fedor Burlatskii, Lurii Burtin, Igor Vinogradov,
Andrei Voznesenskii, Alexander Gelman, Daniil Granin, Sergei Grigoriants,
Vitalii Goldanskii, Vladimir Dudintsev, Evgenii Evtushenko, Viktor Erofeev,
Oleg Efremov, Sergei Zalygin, Tat'iana Zaslavskaia, Veniamin Kaverin, Elem
Klimov, Igor Kon, Iurii Koriakin, Alexander Kushner, Vladimir Lakshin, Gennadii
Lisichkin, Dimitrii Likhachev, Andrei Mikhalkov-Konchalovskii, Bulat Okudzhava,
Gleb Panfilov, Vasilii Polikarpov, Gennadii Popov, Anatolii Pristavkin,
Valentin Rasputin, Anatolii Rybakov, Andrei Sakharov, Anatolii Strelanii,
Arkadii Strugatskii, Boris Strugatskii, Mikhail Ulianov, Iurii Chernichenko,
Lidiia Chukovskaia, Oleg Chukhontsev, Mikhail Shatrov, Mikolai Shmelev,
Konstantin Shcherbakov, Natan Eidelman, Alexander M. Iakovlev, Egor Iakovlev

We address you, distinguished creators of Russian culture and learning, with
words of respect and salutation. We hope that this year brings you more joy,
freedom, and peace.

We firmly believe that changes are taking place in your country that are
essential to the whole world. We in Poland listen to news of you with great
attention and hope. We rejoice in every fact portending the rebirth of Russian
culture and of the cultures of other peoples of the USSR; the restoration of
the memory of distinguished works created within the country or in the emigré
community; as well as the democratization of public life. These facts also give
us cautious hope for a breakthrough in relations between our nations.

We think that the time has come for public dialogue, a dialogue between free
and independent people, unhampered by official guide-lines and the agreements
of diplomats. We are prepared to undertake such a dialogue with all the peoples
of the USSR. But in the meantime we are addressing you, Russians.

The problem that especially weighs on Polish-Russian relations has been and
will remain the matter of the Katyn murder of Polish officers in 1940. This
murder, committed by Stalin's and Beria's executioners, and also the subsequent
lies about this crime, have poisoned our mutual relations. And so with even
greater gratitude do we remember today the voices of those Russians who for
years demanded that the truth about this subject be told. Today, when in the
columns of Soviet newspapers we find the names of the victims of Stalin's
crimes—scholars and writers, military men and politicans—we ask you to publicly
speak up on the matter of the Katyn murder.

The truth must be loudly proclaimed. We are moved to these words by the debt of
memory toward the murdered, and by the conviction that it is a necessary
condition for a radical change in relations between our nations.

We desire relations based on friendship of the free with the free, the equal
with the equal. We desire relations from which servility, lies, and the threat
of force will have been eliminated. We know that nothing here can be decreed
from one day to the next. And yet we believe that our nations must enter on
this path—in the name of truth, in the name of common sense, in the name of a
better future. We want our letter to be read as a friendly voice in the Polish-
Russian dialogue. For if not us, then who? If not now, then when?

[Gość: Editor]

Edmund Osmanczyk, a Polish writer and journalist, has written about "the
generation infected by death". This first post-war generation knew death
intimately--death was something tangible and real. It was easy to kill or to
allow someone to be killed. Osmanczyk also highlights a corresponding weakness
of morality and values.

One of the articles on Polish-Jewish relations from 1944 to 1947 identifies
another consequence of the war. Its author writes that:


During the occupation, Jews, cut off from the rest of the population, became
something distant and alien. Attitudes towards them were not those of people
reacting to other people, but to a concept. It is easy for any propaganda
machine to manipulate a concept with its own aims in mind.

Nadzieje na to byly dobre, zwlaszcza od kiedy Edmund Osmanczyk w Sejmie
wyglosil plomienna mowe na temat paszportów. Apelowal on o wydawanie wszystkim
paszportów wieloletnich, które kazdy móglby trzymac u siebie w domu i jezdzic
kiedy chce i gdzie chce. Gazety wydrukowaly tekst wypowiedzi. Wladze, jak mozna
sie bylo spodziewac, na tak dalekie ustepstwa nie poszly, ale od marca
paszporty byl wydawane, jako wazne na trzy lata, na wszystkie kraje swiata, "z
prawem wielokrotnego przekraczania granicy PRL". Dotychczas paszpoty
turystyczne wazne byly najwyzej na rok i to tylko na jeden wyjazd. Nowe
paszporty tez nalezalo zwracac po powrocie z zagranicy, ale - przynajmniej tak
zapewnialy wladze - do ponownego wyjazdu wystarczylo juz tylko wypelnic
króciutki druczek, po czym mialo sie ponownie otrzymac swój paszport od reki.
Paszporty bylyby przechowywane w depozycie, bezposrednio w komendach Milicji
Obywatelskiej. Bylo to juz jednak powazne ulatwienie i ludzie rzucili sie na te
wyjazdy w niespotykanych dotychczas liczbach, które rosly z dnia na dzien, z
tygodnia na tydzien. Na poczatku, otrzymanie nowego paszportu trwalo nie
dluzej, jak miesiac. Juz w kwietniu trwalo to szesc tygodni.
For example, the vigorous challenges to the Party line in the Sejm by
Janusz Zablocki and other deputies of the Catholic Znak group, and by
independents such as the late Edmund Jan Osmanczyk. They had to
pick their fights carefully. They were occasionally able to modify
legislation at the committee stage, out of the public eye, but at times they
felt they needed to mount a major public debate. Osmanczyk, for
instance, is remembered for his thundering defense of the freedom to
travel during 1985 debates on passport restrictions and his opposition to
a bill to allow summary trials, with no appeal, of dissident demonstrators.
Both bills passed, but Osmanczyk’s stand, covered in the Polish and
international press, provided rare instances of stimulating wide public
discussion and opposition to repressive Party measures.