MOWA RUMSFELDA -PELNY TEKST

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Donald Rumsfeld - The Guardian: POTWOR NEARDENTALSKI: "RACJONALIZACJA GOLEJ
AGRESJI I MORDU ..- 28 May 2003



Full text of US defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld's speech in New York on
Tuesday May 27, 2003.

Wednesday May 28, 2003

Ladies and Gentlemen. I appreciate the opportunity to discuss the challenges
in a transition from tyranny to a free and civil society.

The problems are real, to be sure:
· looting, crime and mobs storming government buildings;
· the breakdown of government structures and institutions that maintained
civil order;
· rampant inflation caused by the lack of a stable currency;
· supporters of the former regime roaming the streets and countryside whose
fate has to be determined;
· regional tensions between north and south;
· delays, bickering and false starts in the effort to establish a new
government.

If these problems sound familiar, they should: they are historians'
descriptions of the conditions here in America in 1783 - in the period after
our nation's war for independence.

Those early years of our young republic were characterised by chaos and
confusion. There was crime and looting and a lack of an organised police
force. The issue of competing paper currencies by the various states led to
uncontrolled inflation and popular discontent.

There were uprisings such as Shays Rebellion, with mobs attacking courthouses
and government buildings. There were regional tensions between mercantile New
England and the agrarian south. There were crown loyalists to deal with, many
of whom had fought against the continental army. Our first effort at a
governing charter - the Articles of Confederation - failed miserably, and it
took eight years of contentious debate before we finally adopted our
constitution and inaugurated our first president.

And, unlike the people of Iraq, we did not face the added challenge of
recovering from the trauma of decades of denial and brutal rule by a dictator
like Saddam Hussein.

The point is this: no nation in memory that has made the transition from
tyranny to a free society has been immune to the difficulties and challenges
of taking that path-not even our own. As Thomas Jefferson put it at the
time: "we are not to expect to be translated from despotism to liberty in a
featherbed."

It is now just seven weeks since the liberation of Iraq - and the challenges
are there. Just as it took time and patience, trial and error, and years of
hard work before our founders got it right-so too will it take time and
patience, trial and error, and hard work for the Iraqi people to overcome the
challenges they face today.

This much is clear: we have a stake in their success. For if Iraq - with its
size, capabilities, resources and its history-is able to move to the path of
representative democracy, however bumpy the road, then the impact in the
region and the world could be dramatic. Iraq could conceivably become a model-
proof that a moderate Muslim state can succeed in the battle against
extremism taking place in the Muslim world today.

The Iraqi people have a foundation on which to build the peace. Very likely
at least in part because of the speed and skill in the execution of the war
plan:
· The vast majority of Iraq's oil fields were not destroyed, preserving the
country's oil wealth for the Iraqi people. And, an environmental disaster was
prevented;
· Key bridges, roads and rail lines were not destroyed;
· Dams were not broken and villages were not flooded;
· The infrastructure of the country is largely intact;
· There were no large masses of refugees fleeing across borders into
neighbouring countries;
· The former regime did not attack Iraq's neighbours with scud missiles;
· And the coalition took great care to protect the lives of innocent
civilians, as well as the important holy sites.


So unlike Europe after world war II, for the most part the people of Iraq do
not have to rebuild from this recent war, as they work to rebuild their
country and society after decades of a dictatorship.

We are committed to helping the Iraqi people get on the path to a free
society. We do not have an American "template" we want to impose-Iraqis will
figure out how to build a free nation in a manner that reflects their unique
culture and traditions.

What the president has outlined are some broad principles that are critical
if Iraq's transition from tyranny is to succeed:
· That Iraq be a single country, which does not support terrorists, threaten
its neighbours or the world with weapons of mass terror, or threaten its
diverse population with repression;
· That it have a government that respects and protects minorities, provides
opportunities for its people through a market economy, and justice through an
independent judiciary and rule of law.

These are not solely American principles, nor are they exclusively Western
principles. They are principles common to all the world's free societies. The
coalition will seek out Iraqis who support these principles, and who desire
to have a role in their country's future. And those who oppose these
principles-whose agenda is to replace Saddam Hussein's tyranny with some
other form of dictatorship - will be opposed.

As we move forward to help Iraqis build a free nation, there are some of the
guidelines that the coalition is following:
· First, while our goal is to put functional and political authority in the
hands of Iraqis as soon as possible, the Coalition Provisional Authority has
the responsibility to fill the vacuum of power in a country that has been
under a dictatorship for decades, by asserting temporary authority over the
country. The coalition will do so. It will not tolerate self-
appointed "leaders."


· Second, the coalition will provide security. Among the immediate objectives
are restoration of law and order for the Iraqi people and provision of
essential services. The coalition is hiring and training Iraqi police, and
will be prepared to use force to impose order as required-because without
order, little else will be possible.


· Third, the coalition will maintain as many security forces in Iraq as
necessary, for as long as necessary, to accomplish the stated goals-and no
longer. Already 39 nations have offered stabilization forces or other needed
assistance, and that number is growing. Together, coalition countries will
seek to provide a secure environment, so that Iraqis will be able to take
charge of their country as soon as possible.


· Next, the coalition will work to improve the circumstances of the Iraqi
people. Already, electric services in the north and south are better than
they have been in 12 years and the power situation in Baghdad is improving,
albeit slowly. The coalition is working to achieve rapid improvements in
other vital public services. The coalition will work to engage the Iraqi
people as rapidly as possible, and give Iraqis leadership roles in the
reconstruction effort-for it is their responsibility to build the future of
their country.


· Fifth, in staffing ministries and positioning Iraqis in ways that will
increase their influence, the coalition will work to have Iraqis involved as
early as possible-so that Iraqis can develop and explain the goals and
direction to the Iraqi people. Only as Iraqis are engaged in, responsible
for, and explaining and leading their fellow citizens will the broader public
support develop that is essential for security.


· Sixth, the coalition will work with forward-looking Iraqis and actively
oppose the old regime's enforcers-the Ba'ath Party leaders, Fedayeen Saddam,
and other instruments of repression-and make clear that it will