Atak na amerykański konwój w Iraku

[Gość: pacyfista]

Trwa paranoja Busha, Blaira i Kwasniewskiego. Okupanci do domu ! .
www.panstwozla.pl

Mam nadzieje że US ARMY wytłucze tych parchów.

[Gość: Piotr]

o tak. na pewno.

[Gość: SAGGER]

[...]

[antykagan]

Post niedostępny ze względu na naruszenie prawa lub regulaminu.

[...]

[dzidzia14]

Post niedostępny ze względu na naruszenie prawa lub regulaminu.

[Gość: JA]

Gonic tych Bushosmanow
niech morduja w Teksasie

Brawo! Brawo dzielni bojownicy o wolnosc Irackiego

[Gość: Snajper]

Brawo! Brawo dzielni bojownicy o wolnosc Irackiego Narodu!!!

Tzw. snajper !!!!!

[Gość: Marianna]

Jestes zwykle bydle , polaczek z Kanady
Ktory by chcial mieszkac w USA , ale go tam niechca !!!! HAHAHAHA

[Gość: polak]

i musi teraz biedak bez przerwy pisac na forum gazety?

Moj dziadek tez strzelal do okupantow

[Gość: arahat]

podczas 2 wojny swiatowej...dla niemcow byl bandyta (nieznano wtedy terrorysta
dla koalicji bohaterem)

Pac-syf znowu pierwszy !!!!

[Gość: Maria]

Dostaniesz chyba premie od swoich mocodawcow KGB i Al Kaidy !!!!
Jestes glupszy niz kilo gwozdzi !!!!!

[Gość: Kanadol]

A ty, qrvo Mario, jedz do Iraku zaprowadzac ta demokracyje, polska albo
hamerykanska - moze ty dostaniesz syfa oddajac sie zoldakom.
Gdyby ci bombka zabila dziecko, cobys wtedy mowila?
Jestes glupsza od buta........

maria-marianna trzyma swa ksitke dla

[janosik6]

tych tych co wracaja w workach..
Bedzie im robila ostatnia posluge , przecierac sie grzywka po workach..

[Gość: Tysprowda]

Dostaniesz chyba premie od swoich mocodawcow CIA i Mosadu !!!!
Jestes glupsza niz dwa kilo gwozdzi !!!!!

[Gość: pablo]

Standardowo:
Powoli, powoli i okupantów się wypie...li

Pzdr pablo

[Gość: agent]

bić obcych

[Gość: andrzej]

zwlaszcza Arabow

[kyle_broflovski]

Phase III Resistance in Iraq

by William S. Lind
An article in the Friday, March 29 Washington Post pointed to the long-expected
opening of Phase III of America’s war with Iraq. Phase I was the jousting
contest, the formal "war" between America’s and Iraq’s armies that ended with
the fall of Baghdad. Phase II was the War of National Liberation waged by the
Baath Party and fought guerilla-style. Phase III, which is likely to prove the
decisive phase, is true Fourth Generation war, war waged by a wide variety of
non-state Iraqi and other Islamic forces for objectives and motives that reach
far beyond politics.

The Post article, "Iraq Attacks Blamed on Islamic Extremists," contains the
following revealing paragraph:

In the intelligence operations room at the 1st Armored Division’s headquarters
(in Baghdad), wall-mounted charts identifying and linking insurgents depict the
changing battlefield. Last fall the organizational chart of Baathist fighters
and leaders stretched for 10 feet, while charts listing known Islamic radicals
took up a few pieces of paper. Now, the chart of Iraqi religious extremists
dominates the room, while the poster depicting Baathist activity has shrunk to
half of its previous size.

The article goes on to quote a U.S. intelligence officer as adding, "There is
no single organization that’s behind all this. It’s far more decentralized than
that."

Welcome to Phase III. The remaining Baathists will of course continue their War
of National Liberation, and Fourth Generation elements have been active from
the outset. But the situation map in the 1st Armored Division’s headquarters
reveals the "tipping point:" Fourth Generation war is now the dominant form of
war against the Americans in Iraq.

What are the implications of Phase III for America’s attempts to create a
stable, democratic Iraq? It is safe to say that they are not favorable. First,
it means that the task of recreating a real, functioning Iraqi state – not just
a "government" of Quislings living under American protection in the Green Zone –
has gotten more difficult. Fourth Generation war represents a quantum move
away from the state compared to Phase II, where the Baathists were fighting to
recreate a state under their domination. The fractioning process will continue
and accelerate, creating more and more resistance groups, each with its own
agenda. The defeat of one means nothing in terms of the defeat of others. There
is no center to strike at, no hinge that collapses the enemy as a whole, and no
way to operationalize the conflict. We are forced into a war of attrition
against an enemy who outnumbers us and is far better able to take casualties
and still continue the fight.

We will also find that we have no enemy we can talk to and nothing to talk
about. Since we – but not our enemies – seek closure, that is a great
disadvantage. Ending a war, unless it is a war of pure annihilation, means
talking to the enemy and reaching some kind of mutually acceptable settlement.
When the enemy is not one but a large and growing number of independent
elements, talking is pointless because any agreement only ends the war with a
single faction. When the enemy’s motivation is not politics but religion, there
is also nothing to talk about, unless it is our conversion to Islam. Putting
these two together, the result is war without end – or, realistically, an
American withdrawal that will also be an American defeat.

Finally, the way the war is fought will gradually change its character. Fourth
Generation forces, like the Baath, will fight a guerilla war. But religious
motivation will gradually introduce new elements. We have already seen one:
suicide bombers. We will start to see others: women and children taking active
roles, riots where the crowds force "coalition" forces to fire on the people
and create massacres, treachery by Iraqis who we think are "friends" (we are
already seeing that among the Iraqi police), and finally an Iraqi intifada,
where everyone just piles on. That could happen as early as this summer, at the
rate things seem to be going. If it does, American forces will have little
choice but to get out of Iraq as best they can.

Nor is it just in Iraq that American troops are now facing Fourth Generation
war. They have their hands full of it in Afghanistan, in Pakistan (by proxy),
in Haiti, and in Kosovo. So long as America continues on the strategic
offensive, intervening all over the world, the list will grow. In each case,
the root problem will be the same: the disintegration of the local state. And
in each case, the attempt to recreate a state by sending in American armed
forces will fail.

As Clausewitz said, "But it is asking too much when a state’s integrity must be
maintained entirely by others."


William Lind is Director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free
Congress Foundation. He is a former Congressional Aide and the author
of many books and articles on military strategy and war.