HISTORIA ZYDOWSKICH KONSPIRACJI I SPISKOW

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WYZWOLENIE AMERYKI:
HISTORIA ZYDOWSKICH KONSPIRACJI I SPISKOW

Jew Watch
Keeping a Close Watch on Jewish Communities
& Organizations Worldwide
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Top: Jewish Occupied Governments: United States

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Truman Bribed To Recognize Israel in 1947
President Clinton's Jewish Connections
How Bolshevik Jews Penetrated The Democratic Party
Jews Behind FDR's Socialist New Deal Programs
Jewish Dominance in The New Left 1960's
Jewish Liberals--Jews Vote 90% Liberal (Democratic Party)
Iron Curtain Over America--Democratic Party & Zionist/Communism
ADL Racism in USA
Israel's Hold Over the US Government and Showing How it Neutralizes US
Candidates & The Totally Unfair Uniqueness of Press & Political Israeli
Relationship
1995-1996 Soft Money Mostly From Jews & Their Cos.
FDR'S Jewish/Communist/Zionist/Mafia Gang
Jews in the U.S. House of Representatives (23)
Jews in the U.S. Senate (11)

Jewish Lobbies
USA's Jewish Ambassadors to Foreign Nations
Supreme Courts
New York City's Major Left-Wing Jews & Communism
Mostly Jewish U.S. State Department
U.S. Aid for Israel--The Real Costs
Pillars of Zionism--Zionism--Jewish Americans and the State Department, 1897-
1945
More Pillars of Zionism
A Brief History of Jewish Conspiracy in USA Politics and Military
Interventions
Students for a Democratic Society - SDS - The Port Huron Statement - Huge
Number of New York Jews - Jewish Control of...
Jewish Usenet Discussion Groups
---------------------------------------------------------------

Jewish Overwheming Participation in the New Left

From Jews and American Politics by Stephen D. Isaacs,
Doubleday & Company, Inc.,
Garden City, New York, 1977, pp. 104-111. top of page

Harvard professor Seymour Martin Lipset, a sociologist, has spent much time
analyzing Jewish participation in the New Left. He emphases that many of the
new radicals are repelled by the hypocrisy of their parents, who espouse
liberal causes, then turn around and exploit those less well off in their
business or on vacation; they imbue their chil-dren with the message of
mankind's equality, then com-plain about uppityness when the maid asks a five
dollar raise to sixty-five dollars a week. "Many Jewish parents," Lipset has
written, "unlike gentile parents of equivalent high economic class
background, live a schizophrenic ex-istence. They sustain a high degree of
tension between their ideology and their life style." What kind of models are
these, who started out wanting to change the world and then, when they
accumulated a few dollars, suddenly lost their reformist zeal? Further,
anything that threatened their new life style was to be resisted.

Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, president of the American Jewish Congress, preferred
an economic explanation of Jewish prominence in the New Left. "These kids are
not merely the children of left-wing parents," he said. "These kids are now
the new rentiers. They don't need economic careers, therefore they can really
stay out of society and ~ around at Berkeley. The key to Mark Rudd [leader
~th. S.D.S. disruption of Columbia University in the lat. i 96os] is not left-
wing politics but an unlimited expense account. Indeed, young Jewish radicals
do gener-ally come from well off families. As Feingold noted, "We can see
youngsters who seem poverty stricken but carry around their necks the most
expensive cameras or who spend small fortunes on other 'arty' hobbies such as
film making."

"What the media have missed," said Morris B. Abram, speaking in the scenic
office once occupied by Arthur J. Goldberg at Paul Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton &
Garrison, "is that these are the children of affluent families. The movement
is drawing from a heavily Jewish base. Ninety per cent of Jewish children of
college age are attending college but only 45 per cent of the population as a
whole who are of college age attend college. And the colleges they're
attending are not just any colleges-they're the good schools in the Fast. The
revolt, you know, occurred in the best institutions, not the average ones.
You'll never have a revolt at a military school, or a religious school. You
would never have one at a place like Oral Roberts College. The revolts are at
places like Columbia, Har-vard, Brandeis." Abram was president of Brandeis
during its most turbulent days and he sees economics, of both the student
protesters and of the faculty members of the col-leges, as a key factor:

"Much of the student protest movement was the direct result of faculty
participation. You had a case of grown people trying to get student adulation
and, without that, I don't think the protest movement would have amounted to
a hill of beans. Remember, in 1968 and '69, the uni-versities were struggling
to retain good faculty people. The Ph.D. market wasn't flooded then, as it is
now. The pr~ fessors felt secure, and they acted irresponsibly. It's inter-
esting to note that, when the Ph.D. market dried up, the protest movement
dried up. In the good schools in the Fast, up to 30 per cent of the faculty
members are Jewish and, very frequently, these are the younger faculty. The
older [predominantly gentile] faculty members were hired when there was
discrimination in academia. By 1968, a large proportion of the younger
faculty was Jewish and this younger faculty felt an affinity for the students
who were Jews-the Jews, after all, had the higher board scores, and the
brightest students are always the most yeasty." Along with this, Abram said,
the Jewish students were ripe for the anticapitalist tone of the movement
because "their parents talked very liberal at home, as Jews always have. The
parents' liberalism, of course, was largely as a reaction against fascism,
which colored the thinking of almost any Jew who could read and write. The
parents talked liberal and then, in the 1960s, the thrust of the civil rights
movement was no longer for civil and political rights. In the middle of the
Johnson years, the civil rights movement began to switch into an economic and
social movement. Suddenly, the civil rights movement had a price tag. I
suspect that Jews, like everybody else, started to look at the civil rights
movement differently. They began to get up tight and their children tended to
look askance at their parents' sense of values." The children Abram was
describing were not particularly the children of onetime Communists or
onetime Socialists. They are the down-ward-striving offspring of the most
upward-striving parents. "They are repelled," as Feingold wrote, "by the
strident cult of success hammered on incessantly by their ambitious parents.
For some, it is clear that Judaism means simply 'making it,' becoming a
doctor or a lawyer." Further, he says, the kids "have not read Marx; all they
really know is that, for them, the 'system' doesn't work."

In his youth in Baltimore, Waskow said, " . . . shabbas [the Sabbath day] was
Mr. Shapiro up the street yelling at me because I was carrying books to the
library. I've never dug that and I still don't, the notion that shabbas was
prohibitions, that it was unfree. . . . Beginning about two years ago, I
began to get a sense of shabbas as a liberation, not as unfreedom, not as
restrictions. All right, you're not supposed to work. But the whole point in
what we're reaching for is a society in which people don't have to work, in
which work and play get intermixed. My dream for a society of the messianic
age is a place where you get what you need when you need it because you need
it. . . . I discovered a few years ago that there's a strand in tradition, a
very long strand, which says shabbas is a moment in the messianic age, it's
the nearest we ca

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HISTORIA ZYDOWSKICH KONSPIRACJI I SPISKOW

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)
) WYZWOLENIE AMERYKI:
) HISTORIA ZYDOWSKICH KONSPIRACJI I SPISKOW
)
) Jew Watch
) Keeping a Close Watch on Jewish Communities
) & Organizations Worldwide
) -----------------------------------------------------------------
)
) Top: Jewish Occupied Governments: United States
)
) --------------------------------------------------------------
)
) Truman Bribed To Recognize Israel in 1947
) President Clinton's Jewish Connections
) How Bolshevik Jews Penetrated The Democratic Party
) Jews Behind FDR's Socialist New Deal Programs
) Jewish Dominance in The New Left 1960's
) Jewish Liberals--Jews Vote 90% Liberal (Democratic Party)
) Iron Curtain Over America--Democratic Party & Zionist/Communism
) ADL Racism in USA
) Israel's Hold Over the US Government and Showing How it Neutralizes US
) Candidates & The Totally Unfair Uniqueness of Press & Political Israeli
) Relationship
) 1995-1996 Soft Money Mostly From Jews & Their Cos.
) FDR'S Jewish/Communist/Zionist/Mafia Gang
) Jews in the U.S. House of Representatives (23)
) Jews in the U.S. Senate (11)
)
) Jewish Lobbies
) USA's Jewish Ambassadors to Foreign Nations
) Supreme Courts
) New York City's Major Left-Wing Jews & Communism
) Mostly Jewish U.S. State Department
) U.S. Aid for Israel--The Real Costs
) Pillars of Zionism--Zionism--Jewish Americans and the State Department, 1897-
) 1945
) More Pillars of Zionism
) A Brief History of Jewish Conspiracy in USA Politics and Military
) Interventions
) Students for a Democratic Society - SDS - The Port Huron Statement - Huge
) Number of New York Jews - Jewish Control of...
) Jewish Usenet Discussion Groups
) ---------------------------------------------------------------
)
) Jewish Overwheming Participation in the New Left
)
) From Jews and American Politics by Stephen D. Isaacs,
) Doubleday & Company, Inc.,
) Garden City, New York, 1977, pp. 104-111. top of page
)
) Harvard professor Seymour Martin Lipset, a sociologist, has spent much time
) analyzing Jewish participation in the New Left. He emphases that many of the
) new radicals are repelled by the hypocrisy of their parents, who espouse
) liberal causes, then turn around and exploit those less well off in their
) business or on vacation; they imbue their chil-dren with the message of
) mankind's equality, then com-plain about uppityness when the maid asks a
five
) dollar raise to sixty-five dollars a week. "Many Jewish parents," Lipset has
) written, "unlike gentile parents of equivalent high economic class
) background, live a schizophrenic ex-istence. They sustain a high degree of
) tension between their ideology and their life style." What kind of models
are
) these, who started out wanting to change the world and then, when they
) accumulated a few dollars, suddenly lost their reformist zeal? Further,
) anything that threatened their new life style was to be resisted.
)
) Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, president of the American Jewish Congress, preferred
) an economic explanation of Jewish prominence in the New Left. "These kids
are
) not merely the children of left-wing parents," he said. "These kids are now
) the new rentiers. They don't need economic careers, therefore they can
really
) stay out of society and ~ around at Berkeley. The key to Mark Rudd [leader
) ~th. S.D.S. disruption of Columbia University in the lat. i 96os] is not
left-
) wing politics but an unlimited expense account. Indeed, young Jewish
radicals
) do gener-ally come from well off families. As Feingold noted, "We can see
) youngsters who seem poverty stricken but carry around their necks the most
) expensive cameras or who spend small fortunes on other 'arty' hobbies such
as
) film making."
)
) "What the media have missed," said Morris B. Abram, speaking in the scenic
) office once occupied by Arthur J. Goldberg at Paul Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton &
) Garrison, "is that these are the children of affluent families. The movement
) is drawing from a heavily Jewish base. Ninety per cent of Jewish children of
) college age are attending college but only 45 per cent of the population as
a
) whole who are of college age attend college. And the colleges they're
) attending are not just any colleges-they're the good schools in the Fast.
The
) revolt, you know, occurred in the best institutions, not the average ones.
) You'll never have a revolt at a military school, or a religious school. You
) would never have one at a place like Oral Roberts College. The revolts are
at
) places like Columbia, Har-vard, Brandeis." Abram was president of Brandeis
) during its most turbulent days and he sees economics, of both the student
) protesters and of the faculty members of the col-leges, as a key factor:
)
) "Much of the student protest movement was the direct result of faculty
) participation. You had a case of grown people trying to get student
adulation
) and, without that, I don't think the protest movement would have amounted to
) a hill of beans. Remember, in 1968 and '69, the uni-versities were
struggling
) to retain good faculty people. The Ph.D. market wasn't flooded then, as it
is
) now. The pr~ fessors felt secure, and they acted irresponsibly. It's inter-
) esting to note that, when the Ph.D. market dried up, the protest movement
) dried up. In the good schools in the Fast, up to 30 per cent of the faculty
) members are Jewish and, very frequently, these are the younger faculty. The
) older [predominantly gentile] faculty members were hired when there was
) discrimination in academia. By 1968, a large proportion of the younger
) faculty was Jewish and this younger faculty felt an affinity for the
students
) who were Jews-the Jews, after all, had the higher board scores, and the
) brightest students are always the most yeasty." Along with this, Abram said,
) the Jewish students were ripe for the anticapitalist tone of the movement
) because "their parents talked very liberal at home, as Jews always have. The
) parents' liberalism, of course, was largely as a reaction against fascism,
) which colored the thinking of almost any Jew who could read and write. The
) parents talked liberal and then, in the 1960s, the thrust of the civil
rights
) movement was no longer for civil and political rights. In the middle of the
) Johnson years, the civil rights movement began to switch into an economic
and
) social movement. Suddenly, the civil rights movement had a price tag. I
) suspect that Jews, like everybody else, started to look at the civil rights
) movement differently. They began to get up tight and their children tended
to
) look askance at their parents' sense of values." The children Abram was
) describing were not particularly the children of onetime Communists or
) onetime Socialists. They are the down-ward-striving offspring of the most
) upward-striving parents. "They are repelled," as Feingold wrote, "by the
) strident cult of success hammered on incessantly by their ambitious parents.
) For some, it is clear that Judaism means simply 'making it,' becoming a
) doctor or a lawyer." Further, he says, the kids "have not read Marx; all
they
) really know is that, for them, the 'system' doesn't work."
)
) In his youth in Baltimore, Waskow said, " . . . shabbas [the Sabbath day]
was
) Mr. Shapiro up the street yelling at me because I was carrying books to the
) library. I've never dug that and I still don't, the notion that shabbas was
) prohibitions, that it was unfree. . . . Beginning about two years ago, I
) began to get a sense of shabbas as a liberation, not as unfreedom, not as
) restrictions. All right, you're not supposed to work. But the whole point in
) what we're reaching for is a society in wh