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Czy Komisja ONZ rozbroi Irak?

IP: *.chcg3.il.corecomm.net 12.11.02, 07:32
Ja zadalbym pytanie.
Czy ONZ przestanie kiedys bronic tyranow i mordercow ?
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    • Gość: rightwinger Re: Czy Komisja ONZ rozbroi Irak? IP: *.coh.org 12.11.02, 08:53
      Gość portalu: galaxy2099 napisał(a):

      > Ja zadalbym pytanie.
      > Czy ONZ przestanie kiedys bronic tyranow i mordercow ?

      Ciekawe pytanie. Gdy kilka tygodni temu ktos zaczal strzelac
      przed gmachem ONZ przestraszeni "dyplomaci" zadzwonili po
      policje. Dlaczego nie wyslali swoich inspektorow, zeby
      dokonali "inspekcji" co sie dzieje ? To zenujaca instytucja.
    • Gość: ala einstein Re: Czy Komisja ONZ rozbroi Irak? IP: *.146.186.195.dial.bluewin.ch 14.11.02, 20:05
      Gość portalu: galaxy2099 napisał(a):

      > Ja zadalbym pytanie.
      > Czy ONZ przestanie kiedys bronic tyranow i mordercow ?
      Sadam demokrata nie jest ale Bush ma sumieniu ( o ile mu go nie
      aputowano) kilka tysiecy afganskich obywateli (nie liczac
      talibanow ) a wkrotce z pewnoscia X - tysiecy obywateli z Iraku.
      Wszystko jest wzgledne..etykietki tyranow i mordercow rowniez
      • galaxy2099 Re: Czy Komisja ONZ rozbroi Irak? 15.11.02, 03:13
        Po takim tekscie juz wiem, ze ty Einstein (bez obrazy dla uczonego pana
        Alberta Einsteina), ze ty zupelnie nie odrozniasz demokracji od totalitaryzmu.
        Dla pocieszenia dodam, ze jest to generalny problem wszystkich ruchow
        pacyfistycznych.


        Gość portalu: ala einstein napisał(a):

        > Gość portalu: galaxy2099 napisał(a):
        >
        > > Ja zadalbym pytanie.
        > > Czy ONZ przestanie kiedys bronic tyranow i mordercow ?
        > Sadam demokrata nie jest ale Bush ma sumieniu ( o ile mu go nie
        > aputowano) kilka tysiecy afganskich obywateli (nie liczac
        > talibanow ) a wkrotce z pewnoscia X - tysiecy obywateli z Iraku.
        > Wszystko jest wzgledne..etykietki tyranow i mordercow rowniez
        • Gość: Kris Re: Czy Komisja ONZ rozbroi Irak? IP: *.host5.starman.ee 15.11.02, 20:22
          galaxy2099 napisał:

          > Po takim tekscie juz wiem, ze ty Einstein (bez obrazy dla uczonego pana
          > Alberta Einsteina), ze ty zupelnie nie odrozniasz demokracji od
          totalitaryzmu.
          > Dla pocieszenia dodam, ze jest to generalny problem wszystkich ruchow
          > pacyfistycznych.
          >
          Einstein moze wymyslilby jakis sposob inny od silowego,Bush nie.On postepuje w
          mysl zasady silny a glupi,chociaz wszyscy wiedza,ze w tym przypadku nie o
          demokracje idzie.
          >
          > Gość portalu: ala einstein napisał(a):
          >
          > > Gość portalu: galaxy2099 napisał(a):
          > >
          > > > Ja zadalbym pytanie.
          > > > Czy ONZ przestanie kiedys bronic tyranow i mordercow ?
          > > Sadam demokrata nie jest ale Bush ma sumieniu ( o ile mu go nie
          > > aputowano) kilka tysiecy afganskich obywateli (nie liczac
          > > talibanow ) a wkrotce z pewnoscia X - tysiecy obywateli z Iraku.
          > > Wszystko jest wzgledne..etykietki tyranow i mordercow rowniez

      • Gość: Rob do Ali Enstein! IP: ncroes* / *.kabel.telenet.be 15.11.02, 21:30
        Gość portalu: ala einstein napisał(a):

        > Wszystko jest wzgledne..etykietki tyranow i mordercow rowniez

        Badz gotowa, twoi przyjaciele zadbaja o ciebie!

        www.ogrish.com/images/execution/execution_014.jpg



    • Gość: mirmat Widziane z Waszyngtonu IP: *.dialup.eol.ca 15.11.02, 06:13
      SAM BYM LEPIEJ TEGO NIE NAPISAL:
      November 14, 2002
      Showdown . . . or slowdown? Paul Greenberg

      Now that the United Nations has given Iraq's Saddam Hussein a last Last Chance
      to disarm, the games have only begun.
      It was reported yesterday that he will accept the Security Council's terms, but
      this fox has escaped the trap before. First he'll extract all the propaganda
      value he can out of the latest showdown and try to extend it indefinitely
      — by negotiating, demagoguing, adding reservations to the U.N.'s
      irresolute resolution, and generally playing for time.
      Why else would Saddam call his rubber-stamp parliament into session? His is a
      regime of One Man, One Vote — and he's the one man with the one vote. The
      televised proceedings of his parliament are just for show — and to gain
      time.
      Saddam may be tantalizingly close to acquiring fissionable material for his own
      nuclear weapon, or he may just want to put the finishing touches on his
      chemical and biological arsenal. His aim right now is neither war nor peace,
      but enough time to make himself unassailable — a la Kim Jong-il.
      North Korea's sainted leader also signed on the dotted line, promising to forgo
      nuclear weapons — preparatory to announcing, years later, that he would
      acquired them. Only the usual naifs were surprised.
      After weeks of negotiation, hesitation and general vacillation, our "friends"
      on the Security Council — France and Russia — have agreed to
      pretend to crack down on Saddam Hussein. In return, he can pretend to obey.
      In the end, it will be up to America and our allies (read Great Britain) to
      enforce the U.N.'s wispy words. Or watch the U.N. follow the League of Nations
      into history. It's almost there now.
      Imagine what would have happened if, instead of seizing Kuwait in 1991, Saddam
      had waited till he had a nuke of his own — and pressed on to seize the
      Saudi oil fields as well. He soon may be in a position to do just that and more
      if he can only extend all this palaver till it becomes even clearer that's all
      it is.
      If the U.N. will just dither long enough — that is, if it will just be
      the U.N. — Saddam Hussein, too, may be able to hold off the world. Till
      now, without a fully developed strategic arsenal, he has been deterred by the
      West. But once he's a nuclear power, he'll deter the West.
      Saddam needn't actually use his nuclear weapon to dominate the Middle East and
      the world's oil-based economy; all he has to do is have one. Under a nuclear
      umbrella, his unrealistic ambitions might suddenly seem realistic, his
      delusions of grandeur less delusional — and far more dangerous.
      As this president noted early in the game: Time is not on our side. And that
      was some time ago.
      Almost from the moment he seized power in Iraq, Saddam has been dreaming of
      global power: "We draw a large picture of Iraq. We want Iraq to possess a
      weight like that of China, a weight like the Soviet Union, a weight like the
      United States, and that is indeed the factual basis of our actions." —
      Saddam Hussein, January 1980.
      The succession of disastrous wars he has launched since indicates how little
      his mad dreams have changed. He seems to have learned little from all those
      defeats but to be craftier.
      And would Saddam, once he had his nuclear assembly line in place, slip a sample
      or two to a favorite terrorist gang or two? That's the question the experts on
      terrorism have been debating in their rarefied precincts.
      A more practical question for Americans to consider is: Why wait till he has
      one to find out?
      Is anyone really willing to gamble that Saddam Hussein, once allowed to develop
      strategic weapons, won't use them? Or distribute them? Or at least advance his
      dominion under their cover?
      There will always be those whose response to any oncoming danger is to
      temporize. Maybe if we do nothing, or extract still another promise to disarm
      from some dangerous thug, he will reform. We can now see how well that approach
      worked with North Korea's Kim Jong-il.
      As the long, long debate proceeds over just what to do about Saddam Hussein, if
      anything, it might be well to remember all the statesmen and pundits who
      assured us that Kim Jong-il, too, could be trusted to keep his word and abjure
      nuclear weapons.
      It's quite a long and distinguished list. Among its brighter luminaries: Bill
      Clinton; Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale, of course; both see-no-evil
      secretaries of state during the Clinton Years, Warren Christopher and Madeleine
      Albright; Jessica Matthews then of The Washington Post; and of course the New
      York Times.
      All their assuring statements about North Korea during those blissful years
      need to be kept in mind whenever these same Pollyannas resurface to warn that
      this current administration is much too keen on disarming Saddam Hussein, who
      surely can be reasoned with. Just like Kim Jong-il.
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