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27.09.02, 20:29
Institute for Historical Review
Paying Tribute to Jewish Power
'Ah, How Sweet It Is To Be Jewish ...'
Robert Faurisson
Alain Finkielkraut is a professor of philosophy at France's elite Ecole
Polytechnique who for years has been a darling of a certain section of the
Parisian intelligentsia. In 1982, at the time of one of my first trials for
calling the Auschwitz gas chamber story a historical lie, he revealed his
concern about revisionism in a muddled work entitled L'Avenir d'une négation
("The Future of a Denial"). On the first page of this book he described me as
being "of the ilk of Big Brother," and on page 66 he wrote: "In terms of
method, the deniers of the gas chambers are the spiritual children of the big
Stalinists."
In 1987 I had a personal encounter with Finkielkraut in Paris' Latin Quarter,
when an anti-revisionist conference was being held at the Sorbonne. Groups of
young Jews were roaming the area, on the lookout for potential revisionists.
Finkielkraut was with one of these groups. Together with three or four young
Jews, he came into the café where I happened to be. I greeted him with the
words "They're done for, your gas chambers!" a rash remark for which I was to
pay an hour later. But, at that moment, taken aback, he mumbled a reply and
quickly left the café with his friends.
Since then I have followed his activities. He has steadily made something of
a speciality of denouncing the "Jewish maximalism" of such figures as Claude
Lanzmann.
Last October, Finkielkraut wrote an essay defending Cardinal Stepinac (1896-
1960), who was being widely attacked for having collaborated with Croatia's
wartime "Ustasha" regime. The essay, published in the leading French daily Le
Monde, October 7, 1998 (p. 14), is entitled "Mgr Stepinac and Europe's Two
Griefs" ("Mgr Stepinac et les deux douleurs de l'Europe"). In it Finkielkraut
defended both the late Cardinal's memory and the wartime Croatian Roman
Catholic Church. He recalled that, from 1941, the Church defended the Jews
against the Ustasha regime. Stepinac, he went on, suffered personally as a
victim of what he calls "Europe's two griefs": Fascism and Communism.
But what especially catches the reader's attention are the essays opening
lines:
Ah, how sweet it is to be Jewish at the end of this 20th century! We are no
longer History's accused, but its darlings. The spirit of the times loves,
honors, and defends us, watches over our interests; it even needs our
imprimatur. Journalists draw up ruthless indictments against all that Europe
still has in the way of Nazi collaborators or those nostalgic for the Nazi
era. Churches repent, states do penance, Switzerland no longer knows where to
stand ...
Obviously, it is "sweet" to be Jewish in these final years of the century,
but only a Jew has the right to say so. In effect, as Finkielkraut
acknowledges, it is no longer possible to publish without the imprimatur of
organized Jewry. In effect, I might add, the Jew reigns unopposed.
Each year in France, the Interior Ministry and certain specialized and
generously subsidized agencies carefully note and tally every incident in our
country that might be regarded as anti-Semitic. Try as they do to inflate
their figures, the result is clear: practically no anti-Semitic incidents can
be detected in France.
If it is true that it is so sweet to be Jewish, then what right do Jews have
to complain of a (nearly non-existent) anti-Semitism, or to demand, and
obtain, ever harsher legal repression of revisionism, which they have
succeeded in identifying with anti-Semitism?
This same October 7 issue of Le Monde reports that Jean-Marie Le Pen, leader
of France's National Front party, must once again pay dearly for having had
the temerity, at a meeting in Munich in December 1997, to state that the gas
chambers are a detail of Second World War history. [See "French Courts Punish
Holocaust Apostasy," March-April 1998 Journal, pp. 14-15.] The European
Parliament, by a huge majority, had just voted to suspend Le Pen's
parliamentary immunity. A German court may sentence him to five years'
imprisonment. In the European Parliament, German member Willy Rothley,
speaking for the Socialist faction, said that a goal of his country's penal
code is to "protect the young against falsifications of history." He went on
to warn: "If Mr. Le Pen does not answer the summons of my country's courts,
he will be imprisoned as soon as he sets foot on German soil."
In Germany, repression has reached new heights. (Even Americans traveling in
Germany, or a neighb