Gość: Stanisław Polański [...] IP: 212.219.63.* 05.02.04, 05:19 Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu. Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: Józef Zawadzki Jestem Józef Zawadzki.Mam imię.Mam nazwisko.Mam... IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 06.02.04, 01:45 Gość portalu: Józek Zawadzki napisał(a): życiorys.Mam Tropienie Zbrodniczej Działalności Antypolskiej.Piszę i Znaczę. JZ MZ MTZDA PIZ !-) Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
zupagrzybowa *****JOZEF ZAWADZKI***** 06.02.04, 02:29 ODZNACZAM PANA DYREKTORA JOZEFA ZAWADZKIEGO TYTULEM KLAuNA ROKU 5674 !!! SWIATOWE ZYBOWSTWO JEST DUMNE Z OSIAGNIEC PANA DYREKTORA! OSZALEC MOZNA SZALOM Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
sanatorium_psychiatryczne PSYCHOZA !!! PSY!! KOZA!!! POTWORKI DO TWOREK!!! 06.02.04, 09:49 -- www.jewish.org.pl/polskie/materialy/JewFAQ/graphics/hebrew.gif © Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
sanatorium_psychiatryczne OSAMA BIN LADEN GAZETY WYBORCZEJ !!! 06.02.04, 10:13 CIA I MOSAD JEST NA TWOIM TroPIE...le :© polKSIEZYCPoLglowkiPOLdUpka? ============================== :© TWOREK Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
zupagrzybowa 6000letnie Drzewa ... 06.02.04, 20:16 "Walk in the sequoia woods at any time of year and you will say they are the most beautiful and majestic on earth. Beautiful and impressive contrasts meet you everywhere, the colors of tree and flower, rock and sky, light and shade, strength and frailty, endurance and evanescence" (John Muir) ============================================================ Generally accepted as the largest single living organism on earth, the General Sherman tree is 30 feet thick at shoulder height, and 17 feet thick at a height of 120 feet. The first branch of the tree is more than seven feet in diameter, and the tree itself towers to a height of 275 feet. While not all giant sequoias are as famous as the General Sherman, a walk through any of the bigtree groves will make all other trees, as well as yourself, seem miniature by comparison. www.cof.orst.edu/cof/fr/outreach/treeomth/sequoia/images/seq5.gif Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
patience Re: EkoLoGia OdBYTu : ID+DEA = GW+NO = 2B !!! 07.02.04, 02:40 Gość portalu: MeTaFiZyK napisał(a): > EkoLoGia OdBYTu > GW+NO > saCrum=proFanum > roZklad Idei ID+DEA > deko Mpozycja,muTacje; > ukLady jElitarne; > sySStem TraWienny > mowaTrawa; > CywiLiZacjEJelitaGrubEgo > FloRAbaKteRyjnA; > =========================================== > 2B or NOT 2B ....? > 2B !!!-) 2B & 2b3 Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
zupagrzybowa Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 07.02.04, 23:41 I think that Kim Jong Il has reached a tipping point of sorts now. A definitive move right now to release ALL of the prisoners from the camps and offer compensation to them would go a long way towards changing the view of the rest of the world on North Korea. Nothing else will do. On the other hand, continuance of the current policies of mass imprisonment, murder, slave labor, torture and deliberate starvation will soon reach the point where the world will no longer tolerate it without taking action. And this action may not take the form of war, it may not unfold predictably for the North Korean regime and its leaders. ============================================================== 2B & 2b3 & & 6&3R =;} Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
patience Re: Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 08.02.04, 00:08 www.google.pl/search?as_q=waiting+swf&num=50&hl=pl&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&btnG=Szukaj+z+Google&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&lr=&as_ft=i&as_filetype=&as_qdr=all &as_occt=any&as_dt=i&as_sitesearch= ============================= 2B & 2b3 & & 6&3R & = hornyhumor.com/Animation/animations.php?directory=.¤tPic=17 Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
patience Re: Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 08.02.04, 00:24 Powyżej pomyliłam się w pisaniu! Miało być tak: www.google.pl/search?as_q=waiting+swf&num=50&hl=pl&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF- 8&btnG=Szukaj+z+Google&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&lr=&as_ft=i&as_filetype=&as_qdr=all &as_occt=any&as_dt=i&as_sitesearch= ============================= 2B & 2b3 & & 6&3R & ;} = hornyhumor.com/Animation/animations.php?directory=.¤tPic=17 Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
patience www.gnojnik.ug.pl/Informacje%20o%20Gminie.htm 08.02.04, 01:27 www.piks.or.tv/person/kimryongsong.htm www.ku.edu/carrie/archives/korean-war-l/2001/09/msg00095.html www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/dprk/2001/dprk-010916-226128d9.htm Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: drKaRaLuch [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 19:40 Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu. Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: <© > [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 19:46 Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu. Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: .:. ... CitizensOfTheGalaxy ... IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 21:10 EARTH (Sol III): Also known as "Terra." The planet Earth is divided up into approximately 200 independent nation-states (though this number is subject to change for one political reason or another). While some races consider this lack of unity to be a sign of disorder and intraplanetary conflict, many consider the structure a source of local pride, patriotism and even competition leading to scientific and technological advances. A loose confederation of representatives known as the "United Nations" functions as an international legislature, and is located in New York City. www.citizensofthegalaxy.com/Worlds.html#Earth NAZIA (New Erde II): During Earth's second World War, a number of colonists from the nation of Germany were transported by the Chromes to the planet Nazia, where they continued to thrive until well into the twenty-first century. During this time, a subspace barrier was placed around the system by operatives from Trell Station One, in order to prevent a Nazi invasion of neighboring star systems. Eventually, however, the barrier collapsed, wiping out the resident population. By the twenty-third century, the planet was re-colonized by the Zhelians. (Trellian Sector) Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
sanatorium_psychiatryczne Sensation and Perception 09.02.04, 01:43 www-psych.stanford.edu/~lera/psych115s/ Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: TTr Funny Like That IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 22:33 Funny Like That Episode 8, Part 3 The Last Resort SCENE J Interior - A hotel room. Night following Scene H. The phone rings. Tippy enters and answers it. TIPPY Bon jour! (Not sure why French? Read Episode 8, Part 1, Scene C) CLARK I can’t believe he outed me. TIPPY I think he outed both of us. CLARK Yes, but everyone knew we were of the closet. They didn’t know I was out of my mind. TIPPY Stop saying things like that. He’s just a little man. Don’t let him get to you. Oh, I have to go. Our houseboy Greico is drawing my bath. CLARK Tippy…. TIPPY All right, it’s some old woman named Celia who has a wart the size of a nickel on her forehead. We’re calling her Celia, the Cyclopes.... Greco is actually my masseur. Au revoir! He hangs up the phone. SCENE K Exterior - Arians’ Resort. Around noon. Clark and Richard are walking along a street. CLARK Thanks for meeting with me today. Do you mind if I use my tape recorder? RICHARD Of course not. I'm not ashamed of what I'm thinkin’. But you will make me sound intelligent, right? CLARK (Knowing he can't change quotes.) Well…. RICHARD (Smiling.) I’m only kiddin’. . Hey, let's stop in here at the David Duke Double Dip Ice Cream Shop. SCENE L Interior - ice cream shop. RICHARD Let’s see, what are the specials today? Nazi Nuts and Caramel or Mein Kampf Chip, which one do you want? My treat. CLARK Well, do they have vanilla? RICHARD They have Caucasian Creme. That's always been one of my favorites. Of course, can’t have none of that darky hot fudge! No siree!! (Clark looks at his aghast.) I’m only kiddin’. An ice cream parlor employee, wearing all white including a hood with the name of the ice cream parlor on it, walks up to the counter. CLARK (Aghast.) Yeah, I'll take the.... Caucasian Creme. RICHARD And I’ll have a Red Skin Praline. The worker exits to prepare the ice cream cones. RICHARD So what kinda questions ya got for me? CLARK Well, shouldn't we wait until we sit down? RICHARD Oh, we ain't sittin’ down. I'm showin' you around. (Opens his arms.) This is my home. I'm invitin’ you in. I want to show you every blade of grass here. CLARK Well, I don’t know if we'll have time for that. RICHARD You don’t seem like you’re comfortable in your own skin, son? CLARK What? RICHARD (Pulling back.) Nothin’. The worker hands them their cones. Richard pays him. They exit. SCENE M Exterior - Arians’ Resort.Continuous. Clark and Richard are walking down a sidewalk in the resort. RICHARD (Licking on his ice cream cone.) Well, fire away at me. CLARK What are your views on hatred in America today? RICHARD Oh, I think hatred’s wrong. CLARK OK, let’s call it bigotry. Some people think that bigotry is alive and well in our country. In fact, it’s worse today than it was a few decades ago. RICHARD Now see, sometimes the history books paint things wrong. They don’t show the world in contacts. CLARK You mean, context? RICHARD Yeah. You see, slavery was about economics. That’s all it was. Companies have sweat shops today. CLARK And sweat shops are wrong. RICHARD But they’re here and we ain't startin' no war over 'em.. People hire folks for as cheap as they can get them. Well, back then, they were just roundin' up workers real cheap - for free! And slavery would still be around today if those pesky courts hadn’t gotten involved. But the history books don’t tell you about that. No siree! They don’t tell how some men in history get a bad name just cause they’re standing up for their own people. Don’t you make tough decisions at your job? CLARK Well, yes I have. RICHARD That’s all I’m talking about, too. Tough choices. Some men get a bad rap cause they make tough decisions for the good of their people and for tryin’ to preserve what is right in their heritage. CLARK Are you talking about Adolph Hitler? RICHARD I'm talkin' about everybody, son! You, me and everybody! That’s all I’m sayin’. Oh! Look around! Look around! (He begins skipping.) Oh, I love this place! Isn't it beautiful? The birds are singin’! The sun is out! This is where I am. This is where I belong! (He stops skipping.) This is where I belong. This is home! CLARK Yes, but the birds on sitting on the roof of the Triple K Bed and Breakfast. RICHARD Oh, that is a wonderful place! They play bingo on Thursday nights. CLARK Don't you think it's wrong to discriminate? RICHARD Now, ya see, I’ve got a New Age philosophy. I'm progressive. I don't have a problem with all men who have dark skin. I just have a problem with the niggers. People who are Jewish are OK, as long as they don't act like a Jew. If you're gonna act like that, don't be ashamed to be called what you are. It's like your little friend! He comes prancin’ in here with his Judy jam. CLARK It was Minnelli jelly. RICHARD Whatever you call it, he’s spreadin’ it on with his pinky in the air. You know it’s true… (More emphatically.) You know it's true. CLARK He does have a pinky problem, yes. RICHARD But then he gets upset when I calls him like I sees him. People shouldn't get upset about that. If it walks like a duck, walks like a duck, it's gonna fly south for the winter! CLARK What about me, then? RICHARD (Uncertain.) What about you? CLARK I have a mental illness. You said so. RICHARD Did I? CLARK Yes, you did. So why don't you call me nuts? Richard stares at him. CLARK Cause, you know, it's not that bad. People live with it every day. It's not the end of the world. Richard stares at him. CLARK Why don't you call me something? (Pause.) How about a loon? A crackpot? A nut case. What about crazy as a shithouse rat? Why don't you call me that? RICHARD I can't. CLARK Why not? It would make me feel at home around here. Long pause. RICHARD It’s too foreign to me. It bothers me more than words can say. It makes my insides squirm. Clark stares at him. RICHARD (Smiles.) What's your next question? SCENE N Interior - A small radio studio set up in a gift shop at the resort. An hour later. Brad is checking some equipment. Richard enters. BRAD Hey, Richard. RICHARD Hey, Buddy! How are on this glorious afternoon? BRAD Great, how about you? RICHARD Splendid. BRAD You’re cuttin’ it kinda close. We’re about to go on the air. RICHARD Well, I was just talkin’ to your newspaper friend. I don't know if he knows how to take me. BRAD Well, Clark’s middle name is peculiar. RICHARD Well, he's living up to his name. But, I know you and I share a bond. BRAD (Uncertain.) You think so? RICHARD Oh, I know we do, son. Pause. BRAD That’s nice….. Here's your mike. RICHARD Thanks. BRAD Are you ready? Here we go. Intro music for the radio show 'Spill Your Guts.' BRAD Good afternoon, all your numbskulls out there! Welcome to "Spill Your Guts!" We're here live from the Arians Resort with Richard Roof. Thanks for bein’ here today, Richard. RICHARD Thank you for having me. And welcome to our little piece of paradise. BRAD Well, some people might call it your little corner of a swastika. RICHARD Haven’t you had a wonderful time down here, Brad? Isn’t the weather beautiful? They say the ocean air is good for what ails you. What’s ailin’ you today, son. BRAD Well I do have corn on my left Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: <©> GerMan Flying Saucer ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 23:09 www.salon.com/books/review/2002/08/05/zero_gravity/print.html Cook concludes that by 1947 the U.S. must already have had a key component of UFO technology Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: ©©©P A ILE STALIN WYTLUKL NIEMCOW ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 23:57 www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/ Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: PPK GDZIE JEST POLSKA PARTIA KOMUNISTYCZNA ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 00:03 The Communist Party of Poland -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Speech: Delivered at a Meeting of the Polish Commission of the Comintern, July 3, 1924; First Published: Bolshevik, No. 11, September 20, 1924; Source: J. V. Stalin, Works, Vol. 6, pp. 276-84, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow 1953. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Comrades, I have not sufficient material at my disposal to enable me to speak as emphatically as some of those who have spoken here. Nevertheless, on the basis of the material that I did, after all, manage to obtain, and on the basis of the debate that has taken place here, I have formed a definite opinion, which I would like to share with you. Undoubtedly, the Polish Communist Party is in an abnormal state. That there is a crisis in the Polish Party is a fact. It was admitted by Walecki; you have all admitted it, and it was clearly revealed here, for it was noted that there is discord in the Central Committee of the Polish Party between practical workers who are members of the C.C. and the leaders of the C.C. Moreover, the Central Committee of the Polish Party itself, at its plenums of December last year and March this year, admitted in its resolutions that a number of its actions had been of an opportunist character and it condemned them without mincing words. That seems to be proof enough. I repeat, all this goes to show that there is undoubtedly a crisis in the Communist Party of Poland. What is the cause of this crisis? The cause lies in certain opportunist transgressions committed in their practical work by the official leaders of the Communist Party of Poland. Permit me to quote a few examples confirming this statement. The "Russian" question. Some Polish comrades say that this is a question of external policy and, as such, is of no great importance for the Polish Party. That is wrong. The "Russian" question is of decisive importance for the entire revolutionary movement, in the West as well as in the East. Why? Because Soviet power in Russia is the base, the bulwark, the haven of the revolutionary movement all over the world. If in this base, i.e., in Russia, the Party and the government begin to waver, it must cause very grave harm to the entire revolutionary movement throughout the world. During the discussion in our R.C.P.(B.) wavering began in the Party. By its struggle against the Party, the opposition, which is essentially opportunist, tended to shake, to weaken the Party, and hence, to weaken the Soviet power itself; for our Party is the ruling party and the chief guiding factor in the state. It is natural that wavering within the R.C.P.(B.) could eventually lead to the wavering, the weakening of the Soviet power itself; and the wavering of the Soviet power would mean harm to the revolutionary movement all over the world. Precisely for this reason, disagreements within the R.C.P.(B.), and the fate of the R.C.P.(B.) in general, cannot but directly affect the fate of the revolutionary movement in other countries. That is why the "Russian" question, although an external question for Poland, is one of prime importance for all the Communist Parties, including the Polish Communist Party. Well, what was the attitude of the leaders of the Polish Party towards the "Russian" question? Whom did they support: the opportunist opposition or the revolutionary majority in the R.C.P.(B.)? It is clear to me that in the first period of the struggle within the R.C.P.(B.), the struggle against the opportunist opposition, the leaders of the Polish Party unambiguously supported that opposition. I shall not delve into the minds of Warski or Walecki; what Warski was thinking when he wrote the well-known resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Poland in support of the opposition in the R.C.P.(B.) is of no importance for me. It is not people's intentions, but the objective results of that resolution that are of primary importance for me. And the objective results of that resolution are that it brings grist to the opposition's mill. That resolution supported the opportunist wing of the R.C.P. (B.). That is the whole point. At the time when the Central Committee of the Polish Party adopted that resolution and sent it to the Central Committee of the R.C.P.(B.) it represented the Polish branch of the opportunist opposition within the R.C.P.(B.). If we regard the opposition within the R.C.P.(B.) as a sort of business firm having branches in different countries, we can say that at that time the Communist Party of Poland was the Polish branch of that firm. That is the essence of the opportunist transgressions on the "Russian" question committed by the leaders of the Polish Party. It is sad, but, unfortunately, it is a fact. The German question. Next to the "Russian" question, this one is of the greatest importance, firstly, because Germany is more pregnant with revolution than any other country in Europe; and secondly, because a revolutionary victory in Germany would be victory in the whole of Europe. If a revolutionary upheaval commences anywhere in Europe it will be in Germany. Only Germany can take the initiative in this matter, and the victory of the revolution in Germany will ensure the victory of the international revolution. You know that last year a struggle flared up within the Communist Party of Germany between its revolutionary majority and opportunist minority. You know how greatly a victory of the Left or of the Right wing of the German Communist Party would affect the whole course of the international revolution. Well, whom did the leaders of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party support in that struggle? They supported the Brandler group against the revolutionary majority of the German Communist Party. That is now admitted by all, both friends and foes. The same thing happened as on the "Russian" question. If we assume that there is in Germany a sort of business firm in the shape of the opportunist opposition in the Communist Party, then the Polish leaders were the Polish branch of that firm. This, too, is sad, but you cannot go against facts; facts must be admitted. The method of fighting the opportunist opposition. Kostrzewa said that they, i.e., the leaders of the Polish Central Committee, in essence support the Russian Central Committee and, perhaps, the present German Central Committee, but disagree with those bodies on the methods of fighting the Opposition. They, you see, demand mild methods of fighting the opposition. They are in favour of war against the opposition, but they want a war that will involve no casualties. Walecki even went so far as to shout out: But we are in favour of the "three"! I must say that nobody demands that Walecki should say ditto to the Russian Central Committee in everything. Besides, I don't know who these "three" are about whom Walecki is so enthusiastic. He has forgotten that nobody is obliged to say ditto to the Russian Central Committee in everything (Walecki, from his seat: "I am not obliged to, but I can.") Of course, you can, but one ought to realise that such conduct places both Walecki and the Russian Central Committee in an awkward position. It is not at all a matter of saying ditto. The point is that in Russia, under the conditions of the NEP, a new bourgeoisie has arisen which, being unable to come into the political arena openly, is trying to breach the communist front from within and is looking for champions among the leaders of the R.C.P.(B.). Well, this circumstance is giving rise to oppositionist sentiments within the R.C.P.(B.) and is creating the ground for an opportunist deviation. Hence, the point is that Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: KPP GDZIE ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 00:14 The Communist Party of Poland 2 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/butcher2.jpg The R.C.P.(B.) fought opportunism by the tried and tested method of resolutely isolating the opportunist leaders. And the result it achieved was that revolutionary Marxism triumphed and the Party acquired exceptional unity. I think that the experience of the R.C.P.(B.) should serve as a lesson for us. The method of fighting recommended by Kostrzewa is a hang-over from Social- Democratic opportunism. It is fraught with the danger of a split in the Party. Lastly, the question of leadership of the Party. What is the characteristic feature of the development of the Communist Parties in the West at the present time? It is that the parties have come right up against the question of reorganising their practical activities on new, revolutionary lines. It is not a matter of adopting a communist programme or of proclaiming revolutionary slogans. It is a matter of reorganising the parties' everyday work, their practical activities, along such a line that every step and every action they take should naturally lead to the revolutionary education of the masses, to preparation for revolution. That is now the essence of the matter and not the adoption of revolutionary directives. Yesterday, Pruchniak read here a whole string of revolutionary resolutions adopted by the leaders of the Polish Central Committee. He read those resolutions with a triumphant air, believing that leadership of the Party consists solely in drafting resolutions. He has no inkling that drafting resolutions is only the first step, the beginning of leadership of the Party. He does not realise that, at bottom, leadership consists not in drafting resolutions, but in the implementation of them, in putting them into effect. As a consequence, in his long speech he forgot to tell us what became of those resolutions; he did not deem it necessary to tell us whether the Communist Party of Poland has carried out those resolutions, and to what extent. And yet, the essence of Party leadership consists precisely in the implementation of resolutions and directives. Looking at him, I was reminded of the typical Soviet bureaucrat called to "report" to an inspection commission. "Has such and such a directive been carried out?" the inspection commission asks. "Measures have been taken," answers the bureaucrat. "What measures?" the inspection commission asks. "Orders have been issued," the bureaucrat answers. The inspection commission calls for the document. With a triumphant air the bureaucrat presents a copy of the orders. The inspection commission asks: "What has become of these orders? Were they carried out and if so, when?" The bureaucrat looks blank, and says "We have received no information." Of course, the inspection commission calls such a bureaucrat to account. It was precisely such a Soviet bureaucrat that Pruchniak reminded me of when he, with a triumphant air, read the revolutionary resolutions, concerning the implementation of which he has "no information." That is not leadership of the Party; it is a mockery of all leadership. What are the conclusions? The conclusions can be summed up as follows. Firstly. In the forthcoming Party discussion in Poland, I am emphatically opposed to any dividing line being drawn between the former Polish Socialist Party and the former Social-Democracy. That would be dangerous for the Party. The former P.S.P. and P.S.D. have long been merged in a single party and are jointly fighting the Polish landlords and bourgeoisie. To divide them now retrospectively into two parts would be a profound error. The fight must not be waged along the old line as between the P.S.P. and P.S.D., but along the new line of isolating the opportunist wing of the Communist Party of Poland. Complete victory over the opportunist wing — that is the guarantee against a split and the guarantee of the Party's unity. Secondly. I am emphatically opposed to the so-called amputation method, i.e., to the removal of certain members of the Central Committee from that body. In general, I am opposed to the reorganisation of the Central Committee from above. It must be borne in mind that surgical operations carried out when there is no imperative need for them leave a bad aftermath in the Party. Let the Communist Party of Poland itself reorganise its Central Committee at the forthcoming congress or conference. It is inconceivable that a growing party should not promote new leaders. Thirdly. I think that the practical proposals put forward by Unszlicht are quite correct. It would be quite rational to set up in place of the present Organising Bureau and Political Bureau, which have become divorced from each other, a single political and practical centre consisting of members of the present Polish Central Committee. Doubts have been expressed here about the theoretical knowledge and party experience of the new leaders who have come to the fore in the revolutionary struggle in Poland. I think that this circumstance is not of decisive importance. There have been cases in the life of the R.C.P.(B.) when workers with inadequate theoretical and political knowledge became the heads of huge regional organisations. But those workers proved to be better leaders than many intellectuals who lack the necessary revolutionary intuition. It is quite possible that at first things will not run quite smoothly with the new leaders, but there will be no harm in that. They will stumble once or twice, but eventually they will learn to lead the revolutionary movement. Trained leaders never fall from the skies. They grow up only in the course of the struggle. www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1924/07_03.htm Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
sanatorium_psychiatryczne DENAZYFIKACJA!!! DIABOLICAL MATERIALISM !! 09.02.04, 01:55 Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
sanatorium_psychiatryczne dialectics is the study of the contradiction... 09.02.04, 02:02 "In its proper meaning," Lenin says, "dialectics is the study of the contradiction within the very essence of things." (Lenin, Philosophical Notebooks, p. 265.) And further: "Development is the 'struggle' of opposites." (Lenin, Vol. XIII, p. 301.) Such, in brief, are the principal features of the Marxist dialectical method. It is easy to understand how immensely important is the extension of the principles of the dialectical method to the study of social life and the history of society, and how immensely important is the application of these principles to the history of society and to the practical activities of the party of the proletariat. If there are no isolated phenomena in the world, if all phenomena are interconnected and interdependent, then it is clear that every social system and every social movement in history must be evaluated not from the standpoint of "eternal justice" or some other preconceived idea, as is not infrequently done by historians, but from the standpoint of the conditions which gave rise to that system or that social movement and with which they are connected. The slave system would be senseless, stupid and unnatural under modern conditions. But under the conditions of a disintegrating primitive communal system, the slave system is a quite understandable and natural phenomenon, since it represents an advance on the primitive communal system The demand for a bourgeois-democratic republic when tsardom and bourgeois society existed, as, let us say, in Russia in 1905, was a quite understandable, proper and revolutionary demand; for at that time a bourgeois republic would have meant a step forward. But now, under the conditions of the U.S.S.R., the demand for a bourgeois-democratic republic would be a senseless and counterrevolutionary demand; for a bourgeois republic would be a retrograde step compared with the Soviet republic. Everything depends on the conditions, time and place. It is clear that without such a historical approach to social phenomena, the existence and development of the science of history is impossible; for only such an approach saves the science of history from becoming a jumble of accidents and an agglomeration of most absurd mistakes. Further, if the world is in a state of constant movement and development, if the dying away of the old and the upgrowth of the new is a law of development, then it is clear that there can be no "immutable" social systems, no "eternal principles" of private property and exploitation, no "eternal ideas" of the subjugation of the peasant to the landlord, of the worker to the capitalist. Hence, the capitalist system can be replaced by the socialist system, just as at one time the feudal system was replaced by the capitalist system. Hence, we must not base our orientation on the strata of society which are no longer developing, even though they at present constitute the predominant force, but on those strata which are developing and have a future before them, even though they at present do not constitute the predominant force. In the eighties of the past century, in the period of the struggle between the Marxists and the Narodniks, the proletariat in Russia constituted an insignificant minority of the population, whereas the individual peasants constituted the vast majority of the population. But the proletariat was developing as a class, whereas the peasantry as a class was disintegrating. And just because the proletariat was developing as a class the Marxists based their orientation on the proletariat. And they were not mistaken; for, as we know, the proletariat subsequently grew from an insignificant force into a first-rate historical and political force. Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must look forward, not backward. Further, if the passing of slow quantitative changes into rapid and abrupt qualitative changes is a law of development, then it is clear that revolutions made by oppressed classes are a quite natural and inevitable phenomenon. Hence, the transition from capitalism to socialism and the liberation of the working class from the yoke of capitalism cannot be effected by slow changes, by reforms, but only by a qualitative change of the capitalist system, by revolution. Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must be a revolutionary, not a reformist. Further, if development proceeds by way of the disclosure of internal contradictions, by way of collisions between opposite forces on the basis of these contradictions and so as to overcome these contradictions, then it is clear that the class struggle of the proletariat is a quite natural and inevitable phenomenon. Hence, we must not cover up the contradictions of the capitalist system, but disclose and unravel them; we must not try to check the class struggle but carry it to its conclusion. Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must pursue an uncompromising proletarian class policy, not a reformist policy of harmony of the interests of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, not a compromisers' policy of the "growing" of capitalism into socialism. Such is the Marxist dialectical method when applied to social life, to the history of society. As to Marxist philosophical materialism, it is fundamentally the direct opposite of philosophical idealism. 2) Marxist Philosophical Materialism The principal features of Marxist philosophical materialism are as follows: a) Materialist Contrary to idealism, which regards the world as the embodiment of an "absolute idea," a "universal spirit," "consciousness," Marx's philosophical materialism holds that the world is by its very nature material, that the multifold phenomena of the world constitute different forms of matter in motion, that interconnection and interdependence of phenomena as established by the dialectical method, are a law of the development of moving matter, and that the world develops in accordance with the laws of movement of matter and stands in no need of a "universal spirit." "The materialistic outlook on nature," says Engels, "means no more than simply conceiving nature just as it exists, without any foreign admixture." (Marx and Engels, Vol. XIV, p. 651.) Speaking of the materialist views of the ancient philosopher Heraclitus, who held that "the world, the all in one, was not created by any god or any man, but was, is and ever will be a living flame, systematically flaring up and systematically dying down"' Lenin comments: "A very good exposition of the rudiments of dialectical materialism." (Lenin, Philosophical Notebooks, p. 318.) b) Objective Reality Contrary to idealism, which asserts that only our consciousness really exists, and that the material world, being, nature, exists only in our consciousness' in our sensations, ideas and perceptions, the Marxist philosophical materialism holds that matter, nature, being, is an objective reality existing outside and independent of our consciousness; that matter is primary, since it is the source of sensations, ideas, consciousness, and that consciousness is secondary, derivative, since it is a reflection of matter, a reflection of being; that thought is a product of matter which in its development has reached a high degree of perfection, namely, of the brain, and the brain is the organ of thought; and that therefore one cannot separate thought from matter without committing a grave error. Engels says: "The question of the relation of thinking to being, the relation of spirit to nature is the paramount question of the whole of philosophy.... The answers which the philosophers gave to this question split them into two great camps. Those who asserted the primacy of spirit to nature ... compr Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
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patience Re: ZLO BLADO MORDE CAZDY ZIEJA BLOTO 09.02.04, 03:05 "In my utopia, human solidarity would be seen not as a fact to be recognized by clearing away "prejudice" or burrowing down to previously hidden depths but, rather, as a goal to be achieved. Is it to be achieved not by inquiry but by imagination, the imaginative ability to see strange people as fellow sufferers. Solidarity is not discovered by reflection but created. It is created by increasing our sensitivity to the particular details of the pain and humiliation of other, unfamiliar sorts of people" --Richard Rorty, "Contingency, Irony and Solidarity" Richard Rorty Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
Gość: LARS F. RED _RUM_DNA_LAETS SWEJG _NIK CU F___ IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 14:33 LE ARS IO THTA ED compIddish Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś
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Gość: YDYZ UZA GOD YDYZ !!! IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 20:25 Fish [Sobleytn] Stripéd yellow and electric blue Mouth stupidly pursed Fins undulating nonchalant Silent as life or death. Fish are ridiculous but sane. Fish are easily tempted but rarely give in. Eating fish is sacrilege. Kissing fish is good. Fish are better than you unless you are one. Elegant purveyours of common wisdom Often denying their true identity Unlikely to affect your life significantly They swim on, on. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Translator's comments: Like the neighboring Muladz and Endzy tribes, and despite their current reputation as fierce landholders, the earliest Iddish were a coastal people; there is no reason to doubt that this poem, and the importance (if not centrality) of fish in the Iddish mythos, dates back to ancient times. Unlike Neptune of Western folklore, sea creatures to the Iddish are hardly anthropomorphized or granted undue intelligence; they are instead seen as not too bright, stubborn, but possessed of a certain mystery that the Iddish find inexplicably alluring. Indeed, who among us has not stared for long hours into a fishtank and wondered: if a fish does not think, what does it not think about? There is some controversy among the current generation of Iddish scholars about the best way to translate the third line of the second stanza, rendered above as "Eating fish is sacrilege. Kissing fish is good." This may sound strange to Western ears, and indeed, the original, "Ergroszo sobleytzso iydatn, diglaszo sobleytzsi erdatn", while undeniably mellifluous, sounds grammatically (and conceptually) strange to the modern Iddish ear, especially in the context of the rest of the poem--why should eating them be sacrilegious? We may perhaps assume that the line was originally constructed by some clever Old Iddish poet (a primitive William Shakespeare?) more intent on creating an amusing-sounding line than on communicating any deep meaning. Or perhaps the poem was altered in the Early Middle Iddish period through the sometimes farcical retellings of boisterous travelling storytellers as they tried to liven up those dark times. Nevertheless, by the Middle Middle Iddish period, this line was already being taken very seriously by conservative Iddish hardliners; eating fish was punishable by death during the reign of Szylny II. www.rictus.com/iddish/ Odpowiedz Link Zgłoś