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    • Gość: Stanisław Polański [...] IP: 212.219.63.* 05.02.04, 05:19
      Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu.
    • Gość: Józef Zawadzki Jestem Józef Zawadzki.Mam imię.Mam nazwisko.Mam... IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 06.02.04, 01:45
      Gość portalu: Józek Zawadzki napisał(a): życiorys.Mam Tropienie Zbrodniczej
      Działalności Antypolskiej.Piszę i Znaczę.

      JZ MZ MTZDA PIZ !-)
    • zupagrzybowa *****JOZEF ZAWADZKI***** 06.02.04, 02:29
      ODZNACZAM PANA DYREKTORA JOZEFA ZAWADZKIEGO
      TYTULEM KLAuNA ROKU 5674 !!!
      SWIATOWE ZYBOWSTWO JEST DUMNE
      Z OSIAGNIEC PANA DYREKTORA!
      OSZALEC MOZNA
      SZALOM smile
    • sanatorium_psychiatryczne PSYCHOZA !!! PSY!! KOZA!!! POTWORKI DO TWOREK!!! 06.02.04, 09:49

      --

      www.jewish.org.pl/polskie/materialy/JewFAQ/graphics/hebrew.gif

      ©
    • sanatorium_psychiatryczne OSAMA BIN LADEN GAZETY WYBORCZEJ !!! 06.02.04, 10:13
      CIA I MOSAD JEST NA TWOIM TroPIE...le :©
      polKSIEZYCPoLglowkiPOLdUpka?
      ==============================

      TWOREK
    • zupagrzybowa 6000letnie Drzewa ... 06.02.04, 20:16
      "Walk in the sequoia woods at any time of year and you will say they are the
      most beautiful and majestic on earth. Beautiful and impressive contrasts meet
      you everywhere, the colors of tree and flower, rock and sky, light and shade,
      strength and frailty, endurance and evanescence"
      (John Muir)
      ============================================================
      Generally accepted as the largest single living organism on earth, the General
      Sherman tree is 30 feet thick at shoulder height, and 17 feet thick at a height
      of 120 feet. The first branch of the tree is more than seven feet in diameter,
      and the tree itself towers to a height of 275 feet. While not all giant
      sequoias are as famous as the General Sherman, a walk through any of the
      bigtree groves will make all other trees, as well as yourself, seem miniature
      by comparison.

      www.cof.orst.edu/cof/fr/outreach/treeomth/sequoia/images/seq5.gif
    • patience Re: EkoLoGia OdBYTu : ID+DEA = GW+NO = 2B !!! 07.02.04, 02:40
      Gość portalu: MeTaFiZyK napisał(a):

      > EkoLoGia OdBYTu
      > GW+NO
      > saCrum=proFanum
      > roZklad Idei ID+DEA
      > deko Mpozycja,muTacje;
      > ukLady jElitarne;
      > sySStem TraWienny
      > mowaTrawa;
      > CywiLiZacjEJelitaGrubEgo
      > FloRAbaKteRyjnA;
      > ===========================================
      > 2B or NOT 2B ....?
      > 2B !!!-)

      2B & 2b3 smile
      • zupagrzybowa Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 07.02.04, 23:41
        I think that Kim Jong Il has reached a tipping point of sorts now. A definitive
        move right now to release ALL of the prisoners from the camps and offer
        compensation to them would go a long way towards changing the view of the rest
        of the world on North Korea. Nothing else will do. On the other hand,
        continuance of the current policies of mass imprisonment, murder, slave labor,
        torture and deliberate starvation will soon reach the point where the world
        will no longer tolerate it without taking action. And this action may not take
        the form of war, it may not unfold predictably for the North Korean regime and
        its leaders.
        ==============================================================

        2B & 2b3 & smile& 6&3R
        =;}


        • patience Re: Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 08.02.04, 00:08
          www.google.pl/search?as_q=waiting+swf&num=50&hl=pl&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&btnG=Szukaj+z+Google&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&lr=&as_ft=i&as_filetype=&as_qdr=all
          &as_occt=any&as_dt=i&as_sitesearch=


          =============================
          2B & 2b3 & smile& 6&3R & wink
          =
          hornyhumor.com/Animation/animations.php?directory=.¤tPic=17
          • patience Re: Kim Jong Il /od tylu/: II GNOJ NIK !!! 08.02.04, 00:24
            Powyżej pomyliłam się w pisaniu! Miało być tak:

            www.google.pl/search?as_q=waiting+swf&num=50&hl=pl&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-
            8&btnG=Szukaj+z+Google&as_epq=&as_oq=&as_eq=&lr=&as_ft=i&as_filetype=&as_qdr=all
            &as_occt=any&as_dt=i&as_sitesearch=


            =============================
            2B & 2b3 & smile& 6&3R & ;}
            =
            hornyhumor.com/Animation/animations.php?directory=.¤tPic=17
            • patience www.gnojnik.ug.pl/Informacje%20o%20Gminie.htm 08.02.04, 01:27
              www.piks.or.tv/person/kimryongsong.htm
              www.ku.edu/carrie/archives/korean-war-l/2001/09/msg00095.html
              www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/library/news/dprk/2001/dprk-010916-226128d9.htm
    • zupagrzybowa taamula 07.02.04, 23:30
      תעמולה
    • Gość: drKaRaLuch [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 19:40
      Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu.
    • Gość: <© > [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 19:46
      Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu.
    • Gość: .:. ... CitizensOfTheGalaxy ... IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 21:10

      EARTH (Sol III): Also known as "Terra." The planet Earth is divided up into
      approximately 200 independent nation-states (though this number is subject to
      change for one political reason or another). While some races consider this
      lack of unity to be a sign of disorder and intraplanetary conflict, many
      consider the structure a source of local pride, patriotism and even competition
      leading to scientific and technological advances. A loose confederation of
      representatives known as the "United Nations" functions as an international
      legislature, and is located in New York City.

      www.citizensofthegalaxy.com/Worlds.html#Earth
      NAZIA (New Erde II): During Earth's second World War, a number of colonists
      from the nation of Germany were transported by the Chromes to the planet Nazia,
      where they continued to thrive until well into the twenty-first century.
      During this time, a subspace barrier was placed around the system by operatives
      from Trell Station One, in order to prevent a Nazi invasion of neighboring star
      systems. Eventually, however, the barrier collapsed, wiping out the resident
      population.
      By the twenty-third century, the planet was re-colonized by the Zhelians.
      (Trellian Sector)

      • sanatorium_psychiatryczne Sensation and Perception 09.02.04, 01:43

        www-psych.stanford.edu/~lera/psych115s/
    • Gość: TTr Funny Like That IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 22:33
      Funny Like That
      Episode 8, Part 3
      The Last Resort
      SCENE J
      Interior - A hotel room. Night following Scene H.
      The phone rings. Tippy enters and answers it.

      TIPPY
      Bon jour! (Not sure why French? Read Episode 8, Part 1, Scene C)

      CLARK
      I can’t believe he outed me.

      TIPPY
      I think he outed both of us.

      CLARK
      Yes, but everyone knew we were of the closet. They didn’t know I was out of my
      mind.

      TIPPY
      Stop saying things like that. He’s just a little man. Don’t let him get to you.
      Oh, I have to go. Our houseboy Greico is drawing my bath.

      CLARK
      Tippy….

      TIPPY
      All right, it’s some old woman named Celia who has a wart the size of a nickel
      on her forehead. We’re calling her Celia, the Cyclopes.... Greco is actually my
      masseur. Au revoir!


      He hangs up the phone.
      SCENE K
      Exterior - Arians’ Resort. Around noon.
      Clark and Richard are walking along a street.

      CLARK
      Thanks for meeting with me today. Do you mind if I use my tape recorder?

      RICHARD
      Of course not. I'm not ashamed of what I'm thinkin’. But you will make me
      sound intelligent, right?

      CLARK
      (Knowing he can't change quotes.) Well….

      RICHARD
      (Smiling.) I’m only kiddin’. . Hey, let's stop in here at the David Duke Double
      Dip Ice Cream Shop.

      SCENE L
      Interior - ice cream shop.

      RICHARD
      Let’s see, what are the specials today? Nazi Nuts and Caramel or Mein Kampf
      Chip, which one do you want? My treat.

      CLARK
      Well, do they have vanilla?

      RICHARD
      They have Caucasian Creme. That's always been one of my favorites. Of course,
      can’t have none of that darky hot fudge! No siree!! (Clark looks at his
      aghast.) I’m only kiddin’.

      An ice cream parlor employee, wearing all white including a hood with the name
      of the ice cream parlor on it, walks up to the counter.

      CLARK
      (Aghast.) Yeah, I'll take the.... Caucasian Creme.

      RICHARD
      And I’ll have a Red Skin Praline.

      The worker exits to prepare the ice cream cones.

      RICHARD
      So what kinda questions ya got for me?

      CLARK
      Well, shouldn't we wait until we sit down?

      RICHARD
      Oh, we ain't sittin’ down. I'm showin' you around. (Opens his arms.) This is my
      home. I'm invitin’ you in. I want to show you every blade of grass here.

      CLARK
      Well, I don’t know if we'll have time for that.

      RICHARD
      You don’t seem like you’re comfortable in your own skin, son?

      CLARK
      What?

      RICHARD
      (Pulling back.) Nothin’.

      The worker hands them their cones. Richard pays him. They exit.

      SCENE M
      Exterior - Arians’ Resort.Continuous.
      Clark and Richard are walking down a sidewalk in the resort.

      RICHARD
      (Licking on his ice cream cone.) Well, fire away at me.

      CLARK
      What are your views on hatred in America today?

      RICHARD
      Oh, I think hatred’s wrong.

      CLARK
      OK, let’s call it bigotry. Some people think that bigotry is alive and well in
      our country. In fact, it’s worse today than it was a few decades ago.

      RICHARD
      Now see, sometimes the history books paint things wrong. They don’t show the
      world in contacts.

      CLARK
      You mean, context?

      RICHARD
      Yeah. You see, slavery was about economics. That’s all it was. Companies have
      sweat shops today.

      CLARK
      And sweat shops are wrong.

      RICHARD
      But they’re here and we ain't startin' no war over 'em.. People hire folks for
      as cheap as they can get them. Well, back then, they were just roundin' up
      workers real cheap - for free! And slavery would still be around today if those
      pesky courts hadn’t gotten involved. But the history books don’t tell you about
      that. No siree! They don’t tell how some men in history get a bad name just
      cause they’re standing up for their own people. Don’t you make tough decisions
      at your job?

      CLARK
      Well, yes I have.

      RICHARD
      That’s all I’m talking about, too. Tough choices. Some men get a bad rap cause
      they make tough decisions for the good of their people and for tryin’ to
      preserve what is right in their heritage.

      CLARK
      Are you talking about Adolph Hitler?

      RICHARD
      I'm talkin' about everybody, son! You, me and everybody! That’s all I’m sayin’.
      Oh! Look around! Look around! (He begins skipping.) Oh, I love this place!
      Isn't it beautiful? The birds are singin’! The sun is out! This is where I am.
      This is where I belong! (He stops skipping.) This is where I belong. This is
      home!

      CLARK
      Yes, but the birds on sitting on the roof of the Triple K Bed and Breakfast.

      RICHARD
      Oh, that is a wonderful place! They play bingo on Thursday nights.

      CLARK
      Don't you think it's wrong to discriminate?

      RICHARD
      Now, ya see, I’ve got a New Age philosophy. I'm progressive. I don't have a
      problem with all men who have dark skin. I just have a problem with the
      niggers. People who are Jewish are OK, as long as they don't act like a Jew. If
      you're gonna act like that, don't be ashamed to be called what you are. It's
      like your little friend! He comes prancin’ in here with his Judy jam.

      CLARK
      It was Minnelli jelly.

      RICHARD
      Whatever you call it, he’s spreadin’ it on with his pinky in the air. You know
      it’s true… (More emphatically.) You know it's true.

      CLARK
      He does have a pinky problem, yes.

      RICHARD
      But then he gets upset when I calls him like I sees him. People shouldn't get
      upset about that. If it walks like a duck, walks like a duck, it's gonna fly
      south for the winter!

      CLARK
      What about me, then?

      RICHARD
      (Uncertain.) What about you?

      CLARK
      I have a mental illness. You said so.

      RICHARD
      Did I?

      CLARK
      Yes, you did. So why don't you call me nuts?

      Richard stares at him.

      CLARK
      Cause, you know, it's not that bad. People live with it every day. It's not the
      end of the world.

      Richard stares at him.

      CLARK
      Why don't you call me something? (Pause.) How about a loon? A crackpot? A nut
      case. What about crazy as a shithouse rat? Why don't you call me that?

      RICHARD
      I can't.

      CLARK
      Why not? It would make me feel at home around here.

      Long pause.

      RICHARD
      It’s too foreign to me. It bothers me more than words can say. It makes my
      insides squirm.

      Clark stares at him.

      RICHARD
      (Smiles.) What's your next question?

      SCENE N
      Interior - A small radio studio set up in a gift shop at the resort. An hour
      later.
      Brad is checking some equipment. Richard enters.

      BRAD
      Hey, Richard.

      RICHARD
      Hey, Buddy! How are on this glorious afternoon?

      BRAD
      Great, how about you?

      RICHARD
      Splendid.

      BRAD
      You’re cuttin’ it kinda close. We’re about to go on the air.

      RICHARD
      Well, I was just talkin’ to your newspaper friend. I don't know if he knows how
      to take me.

      BRAD
      Well, Clark’s middle name is peculiar.

      RICHARD
      Well, he's living up to his name. But, I know you and I share a bond.

      BRAD
      (Uncertain.) You think so?

      RICHARD
      Oh, I know we do, son.

      Pause.

      BRAD
      That’s nice….. Here's your mike.

      RICHARD
      Thanks.

      BRAD
      Are you ready? Here we go.

      Intro music for the radio show 'Spill Your Guts.'

      BRAD
      Good afternoon, all your numbskulls out there! Welcome to "Spill Your Guts!"
      We're here live from the Arians Resort with Richard Roof. Thanks for bein’ here
      today, Richard.

      RICHARD
      Thank you for having me. And welcome to our little piece of paradise.

      BRAD
      Well, some people might call it your little corner of a swastika.

      RICHARD
      Haven’t you had a wonderful time down here, Brad? Isn’t the weather beautiful?
      They say the ocean air is good for what ails you. What’s ailin’ you today, son.

      BRAD
      Well I do have corn on my left
    • Gość: <©> GerMan Flying Saucer ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 23:09
      www.salon.com/books/review/2002/08/05/zero_gravity/print.html
      Cook concludes that by 1947 the U.S. must already have had a key component of
      UFO technology
    • Gość: ©©©P A ILE STALIN WYTLUKL NIEMCOW ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 08.02.04, 23:57
      www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/
      • Gość: PPK GDZIE JEST POLSKA PARTIA KOMUNISTYCZNA ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 00:03
        The Communist Party of Poland

        --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

        Speech: Delivered at a Meeting of the Polish Commission of the Comintern, July
        3, 1924;
        First Published: Bolshevik, No. 11, September 20, 1924;
        Source: J. V. Stalin, Works, Vol. 6, pp. 276-84, Foreign Languages Publishing
        House, Moscow 1953.


        --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

        Comrades, I have not sufficient material at my disposal to enable me to speak
        as emphatically as some of those who have spoken here. Nevertheless, on the
        basis of the material that I did, after all, manage to obtain, and on the basis
        of the debate that has taken place here, I have formed a definite opinion,
        which I would like to share with you.

        Undoubtedly, the Polish Communist Party is in an abnormal state. That there is
        a crisis in the Polish Party is a fact. It was admitted by Walecki; you have
        all admitted it, and it was clearly revealed here, for it was noted that there
        is discord in the Central Committee of the Polish Party between practical
        workers who are members of the C.C. and the leaders of the C.C. Moreover, the
        Central Committee of the Polish Party itself, at its plenums of December last
        year and March this year, admitted in its resolutions that a number of its
        actions had been of an opportunist character and it condemned them without
        mincing words. That seems to be proof enough. I repeat, all this goes to show
        that there is undoubtedly a crisis in the Communist Party of Poland.

        What is the cause of this crisis?

        The cause lies in certain opportunist transgressions committed in their
        practical work by the official leaders of the Communist Party of Poland.

        Permit me to quote a few examples confirming this statement.

        The "Russian" question. Some Polish comrades say that this is a question of
        external policy and, as such, is of no great importance for the Polish Party.
        That is wrong. The "Russian" question is of decisive importance for the entire
        revolutionary movement, in the West as well as in the East. Why? Because Soviet
        power in Russia is the base, the bulwark, the haven of the revolutionary
        movement all over the world. If in this base, i.e., in Russia, the Party and
        the government begin to waver, it must cause very grave harm to the entire
        revolutionary movement throughout the world.

        During the discussion in our R.C.P.(B.) wavering began in the Party. By its
        struggle against the Party, the opposition, which is essentially opportunist,
        tended to shake, to weaken the Party, and hence, to weaken the Soviet power
        itself; for our Party is the ruling party and the chief guiding factor in the
        state. It is natural that wavering within the R.C.P.(B.) could eventually lead
        to the wavering, the weakening of the Soviet power itself; and the wavering of
        the Soviet power would mean harm to the revolutionary movement all over the
        world. Precisely for this reason, disagreements within the R.C.P.(B.), and the
        fate of the R.C.P.(B.) in general, cannot but directly affect the fate of the
        revolutionary movement in other countries. That is why the "Russian" question,
        although an external question for Poland, is one of prime importance for all
        the Communist Parties, including the Polish Communist Party.

        Well, what was the attitude of the leaders of the Polish Party towards
        the "Russian" question? Whom did they support: the opportunist opposition or
        the revolutionary majority in the R.C.P.(B.)? It is clear to me that in the
        first period of the struggle within the R.C.P.(B.), the struggle against the
        opportunist opposition, the leaders of the Polish Party unambiguously supported
        that opposition. I shall not delve into the minds of Warski or Walecki; what
        Warski was thinking when he wrote the well-known resolution of the Central
        Committee of the Communist Party of Poland in support of the opposition in the
        R.C.P.(B.) is of no importance for me. It is not people's intentions, but the
        objective results of that resolution that are of primary importance for me. And
        the objective results of that resolution are that it brings grist to the
        opposition's mill. That resolution supported the opportunist wing of the R.C.P.
        (B.). That is the whole point. At the time when the Central Committee of the
        Polish Party adopted that resolution and sent it to the Central Committee of
        the R.C.P.(B.) it represented the Polish branch of the opportunist opposition
        within the R.C.P.(B.). If we regard the opposition within the R.C.P.(B.) as a
        sort of business firm having branches in different countries, we can say that
        at that time the Communist Party of Poland was the Polish branch of that firm.
        That is the essence of the opportunist transgressions on the "Russian" question
        committed by the leaders of the Polish Party. It is sad, but, unfortunately, it
        is a fact.

        The German question. Next to the "Russian" question, this one is of the
        greatest importance, firstly, because Germany is more pregnant with revolution
        than any other country in Europe; and secondly, because a revolutionary victory
        in Germany would be victory in the whole of Europe. If a revolutionary upheaval
        commences anywhere in Europe it will be in Germany. Only Germany can take the
        initiative in this matter, and the victory of the revolution in Germany will
        ensure the victory of the international revolution.

        You know that last year a struggle flared up within the Communist Party of
        Germany between its revolutionary majority and opportunist minority. You know
        how greatly a victory of the Left or of the Right wing of the German Communist
        Party would affect the whole course of the international revolution. Well, whom
        did the leaders of the Central Committee of the Polish Communist Party support
        in that struggle? They supported the Brandler group against the revolutionary
        majority of the German Communist Party. That is now admitted by all, both
        friends and foes. The same thing happened as on the "Russian" question. If we
        assume that there is in Germany a sort of business firm in the shape of the
        opportunist opposition in the Communist Party, then the Polish leaders were the
        Polish branch of that firm. This, too, is sad, but you cannot go against facts;
        facts must be admitted.

        The method of fighting the opportunist opposition. Kostrzewa said that they,
        i.e., the leaders of the Polish Central Committee, in essence support the
        Russian Central Committee and, perhaps, the present German Central Committee,
        but disagree with those bodies on the methods of fighting the Opposition. They,
        you see, demand mild methods of fighting the opposition. They are in favour of
        war against the opposition, but they want a war that will involve no
        casualties. Walecki even went so far as to shout out: But we are in favour of
        the "three"! I must say that nobody demands that Walecki should say ditto to
        the Russian Central Committee in everything. Besides, I don't know who
        these "three" are about whom Walecki is so enthusiastic. He has forgotten that
        nobody is obliged to say ditto to the Russian Central Committee in everything
        (Walecki, from his seat: "I am not obliged to, but I can.") Of course, you can,
        but one ought to realise that such conduct places both Walecki and the Russian
        Central Committee in an awkward position. It is not at all a matter of saying
        ditto. The point is that in Russia, under the conditions of the NEP, a new
        bourgeoisie has arisen which, being unable to come into the political arena
        openly, is trying to breach the communist front from within and is looking for
        champions among the leaders of the R.C.P.(B.). Well, this circumstance is
        giving rise to oppositionist sentiments within the R.C.P.(B.) and is creating
        the ground for an opportunist deviation. Hence, the point is that
        • Gość: KPP GDZIE ? IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 00:14
          The Communist Party of Poland 2

          --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

          www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/butcher2.jpg
          The R.C.P.(B.) fought opportunism by the tried and tested method of resolutely
          isolating the opportunist leaders. And the result it achieved was that
          revolutionary Marxism triumphed and the Party acquired exceptional unity.

          I think that the experience of the R.C.P.(B.) should serve as a lesson for us.
          The method of fighting recommended by Kostrzewa is a hang-over from Social-
          Democratic opportunism. It is fraught with the danger of a split in the Party.

          Lastly, the question of leadership of the Party. What is the characteristic
          feature of the development of the Communist Parties in the West at the present
          time? It is that the parties have come right up against the question of
          reorganising their practical activities on new, revolutionary lines. It is not
          a matter of adopting a communist programme or of proclaiming revolutionary
          slogans. It is a matter of reorganising the parties' everyday work, their
          practical activities, along such a line that every step and every action they
          take should naturally lead to the revolutionary education of the masses, to
          preparation for revolution. That is now the essence of the matter and not the
          adoption of revolutionary directives.

          Yesterday, Pruchniak read here a whole string of revolutionary resolutions
          adopted by the leaders of the Polish Central Committee. He read those
          resolutions with a triumphant air, believing that leadership of the Party
          consists solely in drafting resolutions. He has no inkling that drafting
          resolutions is only the first step, the beginning of leadership of the Party.
          He does not realise that, at bottom, leadership consists not in drafting
          resolutions, but in the implementation of them, in putting them into effect. As
          a consequence, in his long speech he forgot to tell us what became of those
          resolutions; he did not deem it necessary to tell us whether the Communist
          Party of Poland has carried out those resolutions, and to what extent. And yet,
          the essence of Party leadership consists precisely in the implementation of
          resolutions and directives. Looking at him, I was reminded of the typical
          Soviet bureaucrat called to "report" to an inspection commission. "Has such and
          such a directive been carried out?" the inspection commission asks. "Measures
          have been taken," answers the bureaucrat. "What measures?" the inspection
          commission asks. "Orders have been issued," the bureaucrat answers. The
          inspection commission calls for the document. With a triumphant air the
          bureaucrat presents a copy of the orders. The inspection commission asks: "What
          has become of these orders? Were they carried out and if so, when?" The
          bureaucrat looks blank, and says "We have received no information." Of course,
          the inspection commission calls such a bureaucrat to account. It was precisely
          such a Soviet bureaucrat that Pruchniak reminded me of when he, with a
          triumphant air, read the revolutionary resolutions, concerning the
          implementation of which he has "no information." That is not leadership of the
          Party; it is a mockery of all leadership.

          What are the conclusions? The conclusions can be summed up as follows.

          Firstly. In the forthcoming Party discussion in Poland, I am emphatically
          opposed to any dividing line being drawn between the former Polish Socialist
          Party and the former Social-Democracy. That would be dangerous for the Party.
          The former P.S.P. and P.S.D. have long been merged in a single party and are
          jointly fighting the Polish landlords and bourgeoisie. To divide them now
          retrospectively into two parts would be a profound error. The fight must not be
          waged along the old line as between the P.S.P. and P.S.D., but along the new
          line of isolating the opportunist wing of the Communist Party of Poland.
          Complete victory over the opportunist wing — that is the guarantee against a
          split and the guarantee of the Party's unity.

          Secondly. I am emphatically opposed to the so-called amputation method, i.e.,
          to the removal of certain members of the Central Committee from that body. In
          general, I am opposed to the reorganisation of the Central Committee from
          above. It must be borne in mind that surgical operations carried out when there
          is no imperative need for them leave a bad aftermath in the Party. Let the
          Communist Party of Poland itself reorganise its Central Committee at the
          forthcoming congress or conference. It is inconceivable that a growing party
          should not promote new leaders.

          Thirdly. I think that the practical proposals put forward by Unszlicht are
          quite correct. It would be quite rational to set up in place of the present
          Organising Bureau and Political Bureau, which have become divorced from each
          other, a single political and practical centre consisting of members of the
          present Polish Central Committee.

          Doubts have been expressed here about the theoretical knowledge and party
          experience of the new leaders who have come to the fore in the revolutionary
          struggle in Poland. I think that this circumstance is not of decisive
          importance. There have been cases in the life of the R.C.P.(B.) when workers
          with inadequate theoretical and political knowledge became the heads of huge
          regional organisations. But those workers proved to be better leaders than many
          intellectuals who lack the necessary revolutionary intuition. It is quite
          possible that at first things will not run quite smoothly with the new leaders,
          but there will be no harm in that. They will stumble once or twice, but
          eventually they will learn to lead the revolutionary movement. Trained leaders
          never fall from the skies. They grow up only in the course of the struggle.

          www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1924/07_03.htm

    • sanatorium_psychiatryczne DENAZYFIKACJA!!! DIABOLICAL MATERIALISM !! 09.02.04, 01:55

      • sanatorium_psychiatryczne dialectics is the study of the contradiction... 09.02.04, 02:02



        "In its proper meaning," Lenin says, "dialectics is the study of the
        contradiction within the very essence of things." (Lenin, Philosophical
        Notebooks, p. 265.)


        And further:



        "Development is the 'struggle' of opposites." (Lenin, Vol. XIII, p. 301.)


        Such, in brief, are the principal features of the Marxist dialectical method.

        It is easy to understand how immensely important is the extension of the
        principles of the dialectical method to the study of social life and the
        history of society, and how immensely important is the application of these
        principles to the history of society and to the practical activities of the
        party of the proletariat.

        If there are no isolated phenomena in the world, if all phenomena are
        interconnected and interdependent, then it is clear that every social system
        and every social movement in history must be evaluated not from the standpoint
        of "eternal justice" or some other preconceived idea, as is not infrequently
        done by historians, but from the standpoint of the conditions which gave rise
        to that system or that social movement and with which they are connected.

        The slave system would be senseless, stupid and unnatural under modern
        conditions. But under the conditions of a disintegrating primitive communal
        system, the slave system is a quite understandable and natural phenomenon,
        since it represents an advance on the primitive communal system

        The demand for a bourgeois-democratic republic when tsardom and bourgeois
        society existed, as, let us say, in Russia in 1905, was a quite understandable,
        proper and revolutionary demand; for at that time a bourgeois republic would
        have meant a step forward. But now, under the conditions of the U.S.S.R., the
        demand for a bourgeois-democratic republic would be a senseless and
        counterrevolutionary demand; for a bourgeois republic would be a retrograde
        step compared with the Soviet republic.

        Everything depends on the conditions, time and place.

        It is clear that without such a historical approach to social phenomena, the
        existence and development of the science of history is impossible; for only
        such an approach saves the science of history from becoming a jumble of
        accidents and an agglomeration of most absurd mistakes.

        Further, if the world is in a state of constant movement and development, if
        the dying away of the old and the upgrowth of the new is a law of development,
        then it is clear that there can be no "immutable" social systems, no "eternal
        principles" of private property and exploitation, no "eternal ideas" of the
        subjugation of the peasant to the landlord, of the worker to the capitalist.

        Hence, the capitalist system can be replaced by the socialist system, just as
        at one time the feudal system was replaced by the capitalist system.

        Hence, we must not base our orientation on the strata of society which are no
        longer developing, even though they at present constitute the predominant
        force, but on those strata which are developing and have a future before them,
        even though they at present do not constitute the predominant force.

        In the eighties of the past century, in the period of the struggle between the
        Marxists and the Narodniks, the proletariat in Russia constituted an
        insignificant minority of the population, whereas the individual peasants
        constituted the vast majority of the population. But the proletariat was
        developing as a class, whereas the peasantry as a class was disintegrating. And
        just because the proletariat was developing as a class the Marxists based their
        orientation on the proletariat. And they were not mistaken; for, as we know,
        the proletariat subsequently grew from an insignificant force into a first-rate
        historical and political force.

        Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must look forward, not backward.

        Further, if the passing of slow quantitative changes into rapid and abrupt
        qualitative changes is a law of development, then it is clear that revolutions
        made by oppressed classes are a quite natural and inevitable phenomenon.

        Hence, the transition from capitalism to socialism and the liberation of the
        working class from the yoke of capitalism cannot be effected by slow changes,
        by reforms, but only by a qualitative change of the capitalist system, by
        revolution.

        Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must be a revolutionary, not a
        reformist.

        Further, if development proceeds by way of the disclosure of internal
        contradictions, by way of collisions between opposite forces on the basis of
        these contradictions and so as to overcome these contradictions, then it is
        clear that the class struggle of the proletariat is a quite natural and
        inevitable phenomenon.

        Hence, we must not cover up the contradictions of the capitalist system, but
        disclose and unravel them; we must not try to check the class struggle but
        carry it to its conclusion.

        Hence, in order not to err in policy, one must pursue an uncompromising
        proletarian class policy, not a reformist policy of harmony of the interests of
        the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, not a compromisers' policy of
        the "growing" of capitalism into socialism.

        Such is the Marxist dialectical method when applied to social life, to the
        history of society.

        As to Marxist philosophical materialism, it is fundamentally the direct
        opposite of philosophical idealism.



        2) Marxist Philosophical Materialism
        The principal features of Marxist philosophical materialism are as follows:

        a) Materialist

        Contrary to idealism, which regards the world as the embodiment of an "absolute
        idea," a "universal spirit," "consciousness," Marx's philosophical materialism
        holds that the world is by its very nature material, that the multifold
        phenomena of the world constitute different forms of matter in motion, that
        interconnection and interdependence of phenomena as established by the
        dialectical method, are a law of the development of moving matter, and that the
        world develops in accordance with the laws of movement of matter and stands in
        no need of a "universal spirit."



        "The materialistic outlook on nature," says Engels, "means no more than simply
        conceiving nature just as it exists, without any foreign admixture." (Marx and
        Engels, Vol. XIV, p. 651.)


        Speaking of the materialist views of the ancient philosopher Heraclitus, who
        held that "the world, the all in one, was not created by any god or any man,
        but was, is and ever will be a living flame, systematically flaring up and
        systematically dying down"' Lenin comments: "A very good exposition of the
        rudiments of dialectical materialism." (Lenin, Philosophical Notebooks, p. 318.)

        b) Objective Reality

        Contrary to idealism, which asserts that only our consciousness really exists,
        and that the material world, being, nature, exists only in our consciousness'
        in our sensations, ideas and perceptions, the Marxist philosophical materialism
        holds that matter, nature, being, is an objective reality existing outside and
        independent of our consciousness; that matter is primary, since it is the
        source of sensations, ideas, consciousness, and that consciousness is
        secondary, derivative, since it is a reflection of matter, a reflection of
        being; that thought is a product of matter which in its development has reached
        a high degree of perfection, namely, of the brain, and the brain is the organ
        of thought; and that therefore one cannot separate thought from matter without
        committing a grave error. Engels says:



        "The question of the relation of thinking to being, the relation of spirit to
        nature is the paramount question of the whole of philosophy.... The answers
        which the philosophers gave to this question split them into two great camps.
        Those who asserted the primacy of spirit to nature ... compr
    • Gość: snajper8 [...] IP: *.bchsia.telus.net 09.02.04, 02:58
      Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu.
    • patience Re: ZLO BLADO MORDE CAZDY ZIEJA BLOTO 09.02.04, 03:05
      "In my utopia, human solidarity would be seen not as a fact to be recognized by
      clearing away "prejudice" or burrowing down to previously hidden depths but,
      rather, as a goal to be achieved. Is it to be achieved not by inquiry but by
      imagination, the imaginative ability to see strange people as fellow sufferers.
      Solidarity is not discovered by reflection but created. It is created by
      increasing our sensitivity to the particular details of the pain and
      humiliation of other, unfamiliar sorts of people" --Richard
      Rorty, "Contingency, Irony and Solidarity"

      Richard Rorty
    • patience Re: _____________URADUJE SUSS W RYCYNY___________ 09.02.04, 05:36
      smile
    • patience Re: ******************ATEST DO RAHELI *********** 09.02.04, 05:41
      smile
    • patience Re: _____ RZECOMY JAZDOLOT BORD BADALI ELZO 09.02.04, 06:16

      smile
    • Gość: LARS F. RED _RUM_DNA_LAETS SWEJG _NIK CU F___ IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 14:33
      LE ARS IO THTA ED
      compIddish
    • Gość: JiDEO [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 16:55
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    • Gość: Józef Zawadzki [...] IP: *.internetdsl.tpnet.pl 09.02.04, 18:00
      Wiadomość została usunięta ze względu na złamanie prawa lub regulaminu.
    • Gość: PLO-ZOO-IZM [...] IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 20:08
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    • Gość: YDYZ UZA GOD YDYZ !!! IP: *.cm-upc.chello.se 09.02.04, 20:25
      Fish
      [Sobleytn]

      Stripéd yellow and electric blue
      Mouth stupidly pursed
      Fins undulating nonchalant
      Silent as life or death.

      Fish are ridiculous but sane.
      Fish are easily tempted but rarely give in.
      Eating fish is sacrilege. Kissing fish is good.
      Fish are better than you unless you are one.

      Elegant purveyours of common wisdom
      Often denying their true identity
      Unlikely to affect your life significantly
      They swim on, on.


      --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

      Translator's comments:

      Like the neighboring Muladz and Endzy tribes, and despite their current
      reputation as fierce landholders, the earliest Iddish were a coastal people;
      there is no reason to doubt that this poem, and the importance (if not
      centrality) of fish in the Iddish mythos, dates back to ancient times. Unlike
      Neptune of Western folklore, sea creatures to the Iddish are hardly
      anthropomorphized or granted undue intelligence; they are instead seen as not
      too bright, stubborn, but possessed of a certain mystery that the Iddish find
      inexplicably alluring. Indeed, who among us has not stared for long hours into
      a fishtank and wondered: if a fish does not think, what does it not think about?

      There is some controversy among the current generation of Iddish scholars about
      the best way to translate the third line of the second stanza, rendered above
      as "Eating fish is sacrilege. Kissing fish is good." This may sound strange to
      Western ears, and indeed, the original, "Ergroszo sobleytzso iydatn, diglaszo
      sobleytzsi erdatn", while undeniably mellifluous, sounds grammatically (and
      conceptually) strange to the modern Iddish ear, especially in the context of
      the rest of the poem--why should eating them be sacrilegious? We may perhaps
      assume that the line was originally constructed by some clever Old Iddish poet
      (a primitive William Shakespeare?) more intent on creating an amusing-sounding
      line than on communicating any deep meaning. Or perhaps the poem was altered in
      the Early Middle Iddish period through the sometimes farcical retellings of
      boisterous travelling storytellers as they tried to liven up those dark times.
      Nevertheless, by the Middle Middle Iddish period, this line was already being
      taken very seriously by conservative Iddish hardliners; eating fish was
      punishable by death during the reign of Szylny II.

      www.rictus.com/iddish/

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