Premier Tony Blair i minister Geoff Hoon będą w...

[Gość: tomek 1]

Radzę zainteresowanym porównać styl pracy komisji Lorda Huttona
z cyrkiem jaki dostarcza komisja sejmowa badająca sprawę pana
Rywina. Jedynie, taka jest moja prywatna opinia, panowie Rokita
i Ziobro są na poziomie, który jako tako ratuje rangę tak
ważnego prawnego postępowania śledczego.

Warto również porównać styl i kulturę zeznań dziennikarzy z BBC
z wystąpieniami pana Roberta Kwiatkowskiego. Pan Kwiatkowski
jest podobno specjalistą od...ów, na tym ostatnio opiera się
jego publiczna estyma.

Warto również porównać styl relacji TVP z podejściem BBC do
spraw ich bezpośrednio dotyczących. TVP stosuje cenzurę. BBC
stara się o jak najbardziej obiektywny przekaz.

Znam się na tych rzeczach i moje opinie nie są oparte na
podejściu emocjonalnym do tych spraw. (Mam taką nadzieję.)
Staram się być jak najbardziej obiektywny.

wojna w iraku zmniejszyla nasze bezpieczenstwo

[wojna_o_kase]

art z NYT, autorka - prof. Harvarda

How America Created a Terrorist Haven
By JESSICA STERN

Yesterday's bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad
was the latest evidence that America has taken a country that was
not a terrorist threat and turned it into one.

Of course, we should be glad that the Iraq war was swifter than
even its proponents had expected, and that a vicious tyrant was
removed from power. But the aftermath has been another story.
America has created — not through malevolence but through
negligence — precisely the situation the Bush administration has
described as a breeding ground for terrorists: a state unable to
control its borders or provide for its citizens' rudimentary needs.

As the administration made clear in its national security
strategy released last September, weak states are as threatening
to American security as strong ones. Yet its inability to get
basic services and legitimate governments up and running in
post-war Afghanistan and Iraq — and its pursuant reluctance to
see a connection between those failures and escalating
anti-American violence — leave one wondering if it read its own
report.

For example, the American commander in Iraq, Gen. John Abizaid,
has described the almost daily attacks on his troops as guerrilla
campaigns carried out by Baathist remnants with little public
support. Yet an increasing number of Iraqis disagree: they
believe that the attacks are being carried out by organized
forces — motivated by nationalism, Islam and revenge — that feed
off public unhappiness.

According to a survey this month by the Iraq Center for Research
and Strategic Studies, nearly half of the Iraqis polled attribute
the violence to provocation by American forces or resistance to
the occupation (even more worrisome, the Arabic word for
"resistance" used in the poll implies a certain amount of
sympathy for the perpetrators). In the towns of Ramadi and
Falluja, where many of the recent attacks have taken place,
nearly 90 percent of respondents attributed the attacks to these
causes.

Why would ordinary Iraqis not rush to condemn violence against
the soldiers who liberated them from Saddam Hussein? Mustapha
Alani, an Iraqi scholar with the Royal United Services Institute
in London, gave me a possible explanation: even in the darkest
days of the Iran-Iraq war, most Iraqis (other than Kurds and
Marsh Arabs) did not have to worry about personal security. They
could not speak their minds, but they could count on electricity,
water and telephone service for at least part of the day. Today
they fear being attacked in their bedrooms; power, water and
telephones are routinely unavailable. As Mr. Alani put it, Iraqis
today could could care less about democracy, they just want
assurance that their daughters won't be raped or their sons
kidnapped en route to the grocery store.

Blaming the violence on isolated Baath loyalists was perhaps more
plausible when the violence was centered in the Sunni heartland.
But the recent riots in the southern Shiite city of Basra, and
the sabotage of a major oil pipeline in the Kurdish north, make
clear that other regions may not be peaceable indefinitely.

Shiites widely supported the operation to remove Saddam Hussein,
but they are furious about what they see as American incompetence
since the war. This set the stage for religious extremists.
Moktada al-Sadr, a vitriolic cleric in Basra, says he has
recruited a 5,000-man Shiite army to take on the occupiers. In
public he is urging his followers to engage in "peaceful"
resistance, but some have told Western reporters that they are
prepared to carry out "martyrdom operations" if and when they
receive orders to do so.

In addition, in the run-up to the war, most Iraqis viewed the
foreign volunteers who were rushing in to fight against America
as troublemakers, and Saddam Hussein's forces reportedly killed
many of them. Today, according to Mr. Alani, these foreigners are
increasingly welcomed by the public, especially in the former
Baathist strongholds north of Baghdad.

As bad as the situation inside Iraq may be, the effect that the
war has had on terrorist recruitment around the globe may be even
more worrisome. Even before the coalition troops invaded, a
senior United States counterterrorism official told reporters
that "an American invasion of Iraq is already being used as a
recruitment tool by Al Qaeda and other groups." Intelligence
officials in the United States, Europe and Africa say that the
recruits they are seeing now are younger than in the past.
Television images of American soldiers and tanks in Baghdad are
deeply humiliating to Muslims, even those who didn't like Saddam
Hussein, explained Saad al-Faqih, head of Movement for Islamic
Reform in Arabia, a Saudi dissident group in London. He told me
that some 3,000 young Saudis have entered Iraq in recent months,
and called the war "a gift to Osama bin Laden."

Hassan Nasrallah, head of the Lebanese Shiite group Hezbollah,
told a crowd of 150,000 in a March religious observance that the
United States was trying to create a "tragedy for humanity and to
spread chaos in the world" and predicted that the people of Iraq
and the region would "welcome American troops with rifles, blood,
arms, martyrdom."

The occupation has given disparate groups from various countries
a common battlefield on which to fight a common enemy. Hamid Mir,
a biographer of Osama bin Laden, has been traveling in Iraq and
told me that Hezbollah has greatly stepped up its activities not
only in Shiite regions but also in Baghdad.

Most ominously, Al Qaeda's influence may be growing. It has been
linked to attacks as far apart as Indonesia, Saudi Arabia and
Morocco. One suspect in yesterday's attack is Ansar al-Islam, a
Qaeda offshoot whose camps in Northern Iraq were destroyed early
in the war. In recent weeks American officials acknowledged that
members of the group had slipped into Iraq from Iran, had begun
organizing in Baghdad and were suspected of plotting bombings,
including the Aug. 7 attack on the Jordanian Embassy. In
addition, Mr. Mir reported that Al Qaeda was carving out new
training grounds in the border region between Iraq and Syria.

While there is no single root cause of terrorism, my interviews
with terrorists over the past five years suggest that alienation,
perceived humiliation and lack of political and economic
opportunities make young men susceptible to extremism. It can
evolve easily into violence when government institutions are weak
and there is money available to pay for a holy war. America is
unlikely to win the hearts and minds of committed terrorists.
After some time on the job, it is hard for them to imagine
another life. Several described jihad to me as being "addictive."

Thus the best way to fight them is to ensure that they are
rejected by the broader population. Terrorists and guerrillas
rely on getting at least some popular support. America's task
will be to restore public safety in Iraq and put in place
effective governing institutions that are run by Iraqis. It would
also help if we involved more troops from other countries, to
make clear that the war wasn't an American plot to steal Iraq's
oil and denigrate Islam, as the extremists argue.

The goal of creating a better Iraq is a noble one, but a first
step will be making sure that ordinary Iraqis find America's
ideals and assistance more appealing than Al Qaeda's.

Jessica Stern, a lecturer at Harvard's Kennedy School of
Government, is author of "Terror in the Name of God: Why
Religious Militants Kill."

[Gość: Sikorski]

Gość portalu: tomek 1 napisał(a):

> Radzę zainteresowanym porównać styl pracy komisji Lorda
Huttona
> z cyrkiem jaki dostarcza komisja sejmowa badająca sprawę pana
> Rywina. Jedynie, taka jest moja prywatna opinia, panowie
Rokita
> i Ziobro są na poziomie, który jako tako ratuje rangę tak
> ważnego prawnego postępowania śledczego.
>
> Warto również porównać styl i kulturę zeznań dziennikarzy z
BBC
> z wystąpieniami pana Roberta Kwiatkowskiego. Pan Kwiatkowski
> jest podobno specjalistą od...ów, na tym ostatnio opiera się
> jego publiczna estyma.
>
> Warto również porównać styl relacji TVP z podejściem BBC do
> spraw ich bezpośrednio dotyczących. TVP stosuje cenzurę. BBC
> stara się o jak najbardziej obiektywny przekaz.
>
> Znam się na tych rzeczach i moje opinie nie są oparte na
> podejściu emocjonalnym do tych spraw. (Mam taką nadzieję.)
> Staram się być jak najbardziej obiektywny.

To bylo tak...Bociana kopnal szpak..

czyli DR KIlder do Dr Kelly (pochyleni nad stolem operacyjnym)

-Dr Kelly.. what we know about this case

(tu obaj patrza na swego pacjenta na stole operacyjnym w
letargu..z etykietka na reku: "Dr.Kissinger"..)

he`s stil alive..!
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